Malcolm’s Official Speeches in Parliament

Audit of Aboriginal Spending Is Necessary!

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The 2024 NAPLAN results revealed that in the Northern Territory, students in Year 9 performed worse than when they were in Year 3. My question to Senator McCarthy, the Minister for Indigenous Australians, focused on why Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory are falling behind as they progress through school. 

Despite billions spent by successive Liberal and Labor Governments on Aboriginal education, the results are disappointing. It is clear that an audit of spending into the Aboriginal industry, as proposed by One Nation, is necessary to determine where the funds are going and why they are not reaching the children who need them most. 

The 2024 NAPLAN results highlight a concerning issue: the academic performance of Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory is alarmingly poor. An overwhelming 90% of these students require additional assistance, meaning they are testing below the expected standard—twice the national average.

Even more troubling is the trend where Aboriginal students performed better in Year 3 compared to Year 9 – this suggests that the longer Aboriginal students spend in the school system in the Northern Territory, their education outcomes deteriorate.

One Nation has frequently sought an inquiry into the allocation of funds for Aboriginal Affairs and where it is being spent – clearly it is not on education. Although the Minister isn’t accountable for what has gone on in the past, she is responsible for any actions taken going forward.

Transcript | Question Time

Senator ROBERTS: My question is to the Minister for Indigenous Australians, Senator McCarthy. The 2024 NAPLAN results are out and call into question the entire education process for Aboriginal Australians in the Northern Territory. These children, to whom our nation owes a duty of care, recorded worse NAPLAN scores in year 9 than in year 3. Minister, please explain why Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory go backwards the longer they stay in school?

Senator McCarthy: Thank you, Senator, for your question, and thank you for joining me this week when I reached out across the aisle to all parliamentarians from every party to try and close the gap in many of these areas, including education and educational attainment. Clearly, that’s one of the things that we’ve tried to do, in terms of the Northern Territory. For example, just recently Minister Jason Clare came to the Northern Territory to work with the NTG on an agreement to boost education funding for all public schools across the Northern Territory—and I know that he’s also trying to reach out to all the states across the country. We certainly are very disappointed in terms of the NAPLAN results. One of the things I know is that, in regard to Alice Springs, for example, getting the kids to school is our biggest challenge. We’ve seen how we’ve had many difficulties with this in Central Australia in particular—but they are mirrored across many of our regions, even in your state of Queensland—where we need to work harder in terms of getting First Nations people even to school, let alone trying to pass the simple examination at such a young age, with NAPLAN. I commend the education minister for the work that he’s doing in the space, Senator Roberts. I know we have a
long way to go, but we are certainly trying to do that in terms of our work in the Northern Territory.

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, first supplementary?

Senator ROBERTS: The percentage of Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory who NAPLAN classified as needing further assistance was 90 per cent—90 per cent. In Queensland it’s only 56 per cent, and Queensland is a standout failure in this round of NAPLAN. Minister, can you assure the Senate that every cent of federal government money dedicated to the education of our Aboriginal community is spent appropriately?

Senator McCarthy: Thank you for the question, Senator. I can certainly assure the Senate that I will be working very hard, across party lines, in the role that I now have as Minister for Indigenous Australians. I do want to see a great improvement in the lives of First Nations people but in particular of our children. I certainly will do that, Senator Roberts, and I’m more than happy to keep working with you in terms of the issues that are going on in Queensland. Can I just point out again, though, with regard to the funding that we are providing, that, as I said, two weeks ago Minister Clare signed an historic school funding agreement. Under the agreement the Australian government will invest an additional estimated $736.7 million from 2025 to 2029 in Northern Territory public schools. I’m certainly happy to look at further information in regard to Queensland.

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, second supplementary?

Senator ROBERTS: The Greens are assisting this government in suppressing any inquiry into federal government assistance given to the Aboriginal community. We heard Senator Cox’s comments in the chamber yesterday on many topics, including native title. Minister, if you continue to block an inquiry into and audit of the use of funds given to the Aboriginal community, how can you assure the Senate that there’s no corruption, waste and cronyism occurring?

The PRESIDENT: Minister Wong?

Senator Wong: Can I just ask for consideration of whether that’s an appropriate supplementary to a question about NAPLAN results in the Northern Territory?

The PRESIDENT: Senator Wong, I remind the chamber that Senator Roberts’s second question did go to funding, so it does flow from the first supplementary. Minister.

Senator McCarthy: Thank you, Senator Roberts. Can I firstly say, in regard to comments around Senator Cox, that Senator Cox is very dedicated to working to improve the lives of First Nations people so I would caution any slur against her work in that space. What I would say, though, Senator Roberts, is that the government has invested more than $110 million in initiatives to support First Nations children, students and organisations. We are committed to strengthening the formal partnership arrangements, in line with the Closing the Gap priority reforms. Senator Roberts, you met with the co-chair of the joint council—and that was Pat Turner—in reaffirming that commitment, and I look forward to working with you and others on that.

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts.

Senator Roberts: The question was one of irrelevance before Senator McCarthy sat down. I asked: how can you assure the Senate—

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, firstly, that’s a debating point and, secondly, the minister has finished her answer.

Transcript | Take Note

I move: 

That the Senate take note of the answer by the Minister for Indigenous Australians (Senator McCarthy) to a question without notice I asked today relating to NAPLAN testing in the Northern Territory. 

I thank the minister for her clear answers. In reviewing the results from this year’s NAPLAN this morning, one thing stood out: the results showing 90 per cent of Aboriginal children in the Northern Territory were classified as ‘requiring further assistance’. That is double the national average. Even more troubling were the results showing Aboriginal students tested more positively in year 3 than they did in year 9. This means the longer an Aboriginal student spends in school in the Northern Territory, the worse their educational outcomes become. Clearly, the education system is failing Aboriginal children. The reason why is not understood, yet this problem has existed for years. The minister can’t be held responsible for the result of this NAPLAN. The poor result is a collective failure of the parliament. 

This year, the federal government will spend $5 billion directly on Aboriginal programs. Inquiry into the continued failure in the provision of services to the Aboriginal community is being blocked through actions of Aboriginal industry lobbyists here in this chamber. Those in this chamber who exploit and perpetuate disadvantage for political gain have voted down repeated attempts from Senators Hanson, Nampijinpa Price and Kerrynne Liddle to understand how so much money could achieve so little benefit. 

One Nation’s reward for caring about Aboriginal welfare was for Senators Cox and Ayres to, last night, call One Nation racist and use other labels. It’s not racist to want every Australian child to have access to education no matter the circumstances of their birth. It’s not racist to make sure every cent we send to these communities is spent for the benefit of the community. Labels are the refuge of the ignorant, the incompetent, the dishonest and the fearful. Labels are the resort of those lacking data and logical argument. 

I look forward to working with Senator McCarthy, one day, to achieve better outcomes for Aboriginal communities, and, in this chamber, I look forward to less name calling and more constructive dialogue, meaningful dialogue for the people who we are supposed to represent. Question agreed to. 

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Is CPI Still Relevant for Everyday Australians?

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For those following my Senate Estimates posts, it’s become clear that the Albanese Government is ‘stage managing’ the Estimates process to the point where getting answers has become nearly impossible. In early August, I was pleased to secure a new type of inquiry to supplement estimate questions, which will allow the Senate to call a department or agency for a brief session to have specific question/s answered.

The first agency to be called will be the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS). We’ll be asking how they compile the cost of living index, which is Australia’s official inflation index. This is a very important piece of data, as it decides wage increases for everyday Australians, interest rates, government bond yields and our exchange rate.

With many Australians questioning the accuracy of the official 3.8% inflation rate—feeling that inflation is actually worse—I am eager to get to the truth of what our inflation rate actually is.

Transcript

The actual rate of inflation—or, more accurately, the consumer price index—represents how much cost of living has changed in the previous quarter and over time. To measure the CPI change, the Australian Bureau of Statistics uses a basket of goods and services that should fairly represent the purchases an average Australian household would make. Incremental changes are made to the measure every few years to take into account changes in household spending patterns. After many years of adjustments, chops and changes, the question now arises: how relevant is the CPI calculation to the lives of working Australians? 

Mortgages have become a massive expense, rising 45 per cent across the 12 interest rate rises that have occurred under the Anthony Albanese Labor government, yet housing is only 13 per cent of the inflation basket for households, no matter how high your mortgage or rent goes. In part, this is because the spending pattern that sets the weightings is taken from 2022, before Labor’s inflation actually set in. The weighting in the basket given to holidays and recreation has increased to 12.1 per cent. This is interesting, because holidays were really expensive during COVID and then, as the economy reopened, the cost came back down. Increasing the weighting for holidays has acted to reduce the inflation rate artificially. How accurate is that? Who can afford expensive holidays in the current cost-of-living crisis?  

In creating a system that relies on spending patterns which may be years old or which fail to reflect the main demographic—working families—the ABS is failing to accurately reflect cost-of-living increases as households feel the pain right now. Governments can fudge the figures. Government subsidies on energy, for instance, reduce the inflation rate for energy, even though consumers are paying the full bill themselves either through their wages or through tax. Inflation should be expressed before government cover-up payments, not after. 

One Nation will return to this topic next week on behalf of Australian working families. 

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Greens Support Offshore Wind Despite Risks to Migrating Whales

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What hypocrisy from the Greens – they seem to embrace environmental concerns only when it suits their political agenda. Offshore wind, the destruction of native forest for wind turbines, solar panels, transmission lines and access roads are all okay as long as the net zero wrecking ball continues.

Transcript

Western Australia’s environmental protection agency has recommended that the Woodside’s Browse Basin gas project not proceed. This Greens motion celebrates that recommendation, which was based, in part, on the effect of gas platforms on migrating whales.  

The Greens support offshore wind turbines off the Illawarra and Hunter coasts—turbines that are not fixed to the seabed but rather held in place by a spaghetti of cables. Those cables are likely to gather debris and provide a substantial hazard for migrating whales. This inconsistency is easily explained: the Greens are happy to use the natural environment only when it suits their political ideology. Offshore wind, the environmental destruction of native forest for wind turbines, solar panels, transmission lines and access roads are all okay as long as the net zero wrecking ball continues.  

The north-west of Western Australia holds 97 per cent of Australia’s gas reserves. It makes economic and environmental sense to use that resource for the benefit of all Australians—of course, not in a manner that damages the natural environment, which One Nation cares about all the time, not just when it is convenient. The canary in the net zero maze is South Australia, which no longer has base-load coal power and must rely on gas to keep the power on. The elimination of coal is disastrous enough. If the green lobby is successful in eliminating gas, then Australia would be forced into energy deficiency. The most energy-rich country in the world will not be able to provide enough energy for Australians to live without energy rationing—control of your energy use. 

One Nation has introduced a bill to create a domestic gas reservation to ensure 15 per cent of Australia’s gas production is reserved for Australians. This will keep the power prices down and keep the lights on—not as low as ending this crazy ideological war on coal and nuclear power, yet it will help. Is it any wonder that the Greens oppose these measures? The Greens want everyday Australians to have less, consume less, be less and be controlled. 

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Concerns Mount Over Increasing Aboriginal Land Claims

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My office receives many calls from Australians worried about increasing Aboriginal land claims, especially under the Queensland Aboriginal Land Act 1991. Native Title Claims require Tribunal approval and come in two forms: Non-exclusive Title – allows cultural activities and access but doesn’t permit exclusion or sale and Exclusive Title – allows exclusion and some leasing but not sale. There must be community consultation.

The Queensland Aboriginal Land Act 1991 enables conversion of Crown land or non-exclusive native title land into inalienable freehold land for Aboriginal corporations, bypassing Native Title Act requirements. This method is affecting 15 Queensland townships and is being conducted secretly. There is no requirement for formal community consultation. This practice needs to stop as it unfairly benefits claimants based on race.

Transcript | Question Time

Senator ROBERTS: My question is to the Minister for Indigenous Australians, Senator McCarthy. Is your Labor government supporting the Queensland state Labor government to secretly give away freehold land to Aboriginal corporations, with little or no community consultation beforehand, under the Queensland state Aboriginal Land Act?

Senator MCCARTHY: Thank you, Senator Roberts, for the question. The answer is no. There are no secret deals going on; there’s no secretiveness in any of this. This is obviously a decision of the Queensland government in terms of what is going on in Queensland in regard to land. I’d just like to remind the Senate that native title recognises that First Nations people have traditional rights and interests to land and waters. We’ve had native title legislation in Australia for 30 years, and it continues to work to create jobs and improve lives.

Of course, there’s always room to improve, Senator Roberts. In June, we announced that the Australian Law Reform Commission is undertaking an inquiry into the future acts regime in the Native Title Act 1993. The review will investigate any inequality or unfairness or weaknesses in the regime, which governs how development projects can occur on land subject to native title.

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, a first supplementary?

Senator ROBERTS: Do you support the secret attack on 15 Queensland towns currently under attack in this way, including Augathella, Boonooroo, Croydon, Duchess, Eurong, Happy Valley, Laura, Maryborough, Mount Isa, Rainbow Beach, River Heads, Roma, Thargomindah, Theodore and Toobeah?

Senator MCCARTHY: Senator Roberts, I responded in my first answer in regard to the beginning of your question, but I will remind you and One Nation of this, because I have looked at the press releases that you’ve put out. In fact, regarding Senator Hanson’s press release ‘Toobeah community still ignored while arrogant Indigenous corporation plans takeover’, I note that One Nation put in there: One Nation is the only party contesting the state election with a policy that Queensland belongs to all Queenslanders. Let me remind you, One Nation: the Yuggera people are Queenslanders; the Kalkadoon people are Queenslanders; the Yidinji people are Queenslanders; the Gunggari people are Queenslanders. So, while you might want to electioneer for the Queensland election, can I just point out that there is no secrecy here and you degrade this Senate by running down Aboriginal people.

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, second supplementary?

Senator ROBERTS: Are you concerned that the city of Mt Isa, capital of north-west Queensland, with all its mineral wealth, is subject to Aboriginal corporation claims based on race and greed and
made with no real consultation, when these resources should be available for all Australians?

Senator MCCARTHY: Come on, Senator Roberts. You can do much better than that. Let’s list the debate here. Let’s not isolate any community based on what you’ve just said. I think it’s disgraceful to actually allege that First Nations people are not a part of this country and don’t deserve to be involved in the economic benefits to this country—

The PRESIDENT: Minister, please resume your seat. Senator Roberts.

Senator Roberts: President, it’s a matter of imputation. We do not allege that the Aboriginal people are not part of this country. I ask—

The PRESIDENT: Senator Roberts, that’s a debating point. Minister McCarthy, please continue.

Senator MCCARTHY: I would say that, in terms of the people of Mt Isa, I would encourage the First Nations people there—the Kalkadoon people—and all people who live in Mt Isa to work together for the benefit of that community.

Transcript | Take Note

I move: 

That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Indigenous Australians (Senator McCarthy) to a question without notice I asked today relating to native title. 

My office has received many calls from Australians concerned about Aboriginal land claims becoming more numerous and related to widespread fear in the community. Some concerns relate to the more frequently occurring native title claims. Recently, I’ve become more aware of claims based on the Queensland state Aboriginal Land Act 1991. 

For native title claims to take effect, a tribunal needs to determine and formally finalise them. A determined native title may be in two forms. Non-exclusive title is the most common form. It means that the native title holder is entitled to enter and share access to the land and is entitled to carry out cultural activities including camping, fishing, hunting and ceremonial activities. The native title holder is not able to exclude others from entering the land or to lease, sell or impose fees. Exclusive title is less common and means that the native title holder can enter the land and exclude others and can use the land for cultural purposes. They’re not able to sell the land and may lease it out for commercial or other purposes. More than 50 per cent of the Australian mainland is now under native title. 

A lesser-known form of Aboriginal land claim can be made pursuant to the Queensland state Aboriginal Land Act 1991. Under this act, the state government may give away Crown land or convert non-exclusive native title land into inalienable freehold land to an Aboriginal corporation. This would allow the title holder to do anything with the land except sell it. They could exclude others from accessing Aboriginal land. This process bypasses all requirements of the Native Title Act. Requirements to consult are more limited than those under the Native Title Act. That requires more open disclosure. There are currently 15 Queensland townships under attack using this method, which is often stealthy and secretive. This practice must stop as it’s creating advantages based purely on race. Whose town is next? 

Question agreed to. 


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One Nation Pushes New Data Rights Bill to a Vote!

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The Treasury Laws Amendment (Consumer Data Right) Bill 2022 has finally come up for a vote after more than a year of efforts by One Nation to push it forward.

This legislation grants everyday Australians the right to know who is accessing their data, to refuse permission for its use, and to request its deletion.  The protections in this Bill will make it easier for individuals, class actions and regulators to take legal action against companies that abuse your data under the Digital ID Act.  One Nation supports the Bill, believing these protections are long overdue.

However, there are still significant gaps. For example, the Bill lacks provisions for auditing data companies to ensure they are handling data responsibly.  As it stands, the Bill depends on whistleblowers to come forward. One Nation remains committed to defending your right to live your life without big brother, intrusive government surveillance.

Transcript

It’s about time the Treasury Laws Amendment (Consumer Data Right) Bill 2022 came up for a vote. I wonder why it is that bills which take away rights, like the Digital ID Bill, are guillotined, debate denied, committee
processes rigged to produce the desired outcome and then rushed through the Senate in an eye blink yet bills that give people rights are held back for years. One Nation supports this bill, which should have been passed at the same time as the Digital ID Bill—a piece of legislation that relied on the protections provided in the consumer data rights bill.

This week the Minister for Government Services, Bill Shorten MP, released plans for the government’s own digital ID, which he calls the Trust Exchange. I don’t want to rain on the minister’s parade, yet I’m compelled to state the obvious: the government does not have any trust to trade—although the use of the word ‘trade’ is significant, because it shows the government doesn’t understand what it’s doing. When you use a digital ID, the circumstances of its use are recorded. There is a data trail that holds rich information about the person being verified—about you.

The private intermediary who’s performing the data handling can retain a copy of that data for a specified period. Does anyone really think they will delete that data when the retention period ends? That data is worth billions of dollars on the data market. The Digital ID Bill provided no protection against illegal data retention. The consumer data right bill does provide some protections, and it includes an overarching statement of fairness and honesty that would make prosecution of big data for misbehaviour much easier.

The minister has announced, apparently proudly, that the government will keep on file a record of every digital ID transaction. Imagine being proud of that! Such a record will be triggered multiple times a day: on public transport, at the shops and, as the minister himself said, in the pub. Can you believe it? It will happen when entering public buildings, like this one; when signing contracts; when using an ATM; and, as announced this week, when accessing social media. As I foretold when the Morrison Liberal-National government introduced the Digital ID Bill, and again when the Albanese Labor-Greens government pushed it through the Senate with no debate—no debate at any stage—each of these uses for the digital ID is in active development. I thank the minister for his honesty in admitting that the government will retain each of these transactions in its myGovID master file.

The Trust Exchange QR code, which is to be branded ‘TEx’, is a massive technological undertaking. I do not trust that this government and our bureaucrats have the technical knowledge to pull this off. I have to wonder how Minister Shorten can pursue justice over the tragic robodebt data-matching horror show so aggressively and then turn around and repeat the same mistake with TEx. Mismatches will be the norm; they’ll be normal. Data outages such as we’ve seen in recent months will occur again and again and cause chaos again and again. Yet the government is intent on creating a centralised database of every citizen, accessible from every business in the country through intermediaries who inevitably will be large foreign companies that make their money selling data.

Here’s an example of what could and does go wrong. Do you remember when this Labor government demanded a myGov account was needed to register for a director ID? Remember that, Madam Acting Deputy President? It wasn’t so long ago. The process was outsourced to Accenture, which immediately treated the exercise as a dataharvesting opportunity, a windfall, and started demanding that applicants for a director ID also provide details of their bank accounts, superannuation accounts, Centrelink account, Medicare number, tax return, drivers licence number and passport number. Yet the only thing the enabling legislation allowed for was the tax file number—one thing, and Accenture harvested seven. One word from the government and big business did whatever they liked with the data of millions of Australians.

Accenture committed theft on a fraudulent basis. It was fraud. My office notified the government, and it stopped. There was no punishment, no punishment at all. What happened to that data? Was all that private information destroyed? I’ll bet it wasn’t. In fact, no, it wasn’t. This government actually paid the big data company millions of taxpayer dollars—your money, our money—to harvest data for their own commercial benefit, and they went against the law to do it. So excuse me if I don’t trust this new TEx system. It’s appropriately named, though: TEx will be a digital Wild West where the bad guys, big data, exploit the public for profit and power.

Earlier, when I said this wasn’t a trade, here’s why. For it to be a trade everyday Australians would get something out of it that we, the people, do not currently have. People already have a photo ID. They already have government issued identification sufficient to meet any request. The government does not need to know if a person went to the pub today. Do you know who does? Life, motor vehicle and insurance companies. Do you know who else?

Employers. They would love to know how often, where and what time of the day an employee goes to the pub. This is why the value of the data industry worldwide is expected to be worth trillions in the future. In reality, a bank does not trade in money; it trades in risk. Imagine the money they will make if they can entirely eliminate the risk from their books by knowing everything about their customers—everything all the time! Imagine how the government could use that data. The answer is provided in the UK prime minister Keir Starmer’s behaviour.

Right now he is rounding up people for wrong think and wrong speak. I spoke about that lesson in communism on Tuesday night.

This is the future, your future, under the Albanese Labor government or under the other uniparty wing, the Liberal-Nationals, who introduced the Digital ID Bill and introduced the misinformation and disinformation bill. Trust has been lost. Mr Albanese and his Labor government have lost the people’s trust, lost the people’s confidence, lost the people’s support. After the Morrison government grossly and dishonestly mismanaged COVID-19, Mr Dutton and his Liberal-National opposition have not yet earned people’s trust, confidence and support. We need a strong crossbench of true conservatives to stop Australia’s slide into poor governance. The election cannot come fast enough.

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Reviving Australian Industry Will Strengthen National Defence

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We once produced things in this country — now, we’re buying them all from our greatest potential enemy. Without the capability to produce goods here in Australia through our own industry, we won’t have a military to defend our country.

I’ve long called for the Iron Boomerang project, which aims to use Australian resources here instead of shipping them to China and then buying their products back off them. Most importantly, to effectively defend our country, we must embrace Australia’s potential. Think about what we could achieve!

Transcript

I agree with Senator Van: Australia’s defence preparedness is poor, at best. It is true that the best way to keep Australia strong is to keep our transport and industrial base strong. Instead, successive Liberal and Labor governments have presided over the destruction of our manufacturing base and allowed our ports and the transport into those ports to atrophy.

One Nation proposes a comprehensive solution to this: starting with a railway from the Bowen Basin in the east of our country across to the Pilbara in the north-west, connecting to the existing network at the Port of Gladstone in Queensland and Pindar in Western Australia. This will create a national rail network to allow Australian Defence Forces to access and defend parts of our country we have never been able to access to stage a significant military operation. The railway, called Iron Boomerang, will enable an Australian steel industry to develop at Abbot Point near Townsville, returning to domestic production the most important elements of a defence industry—steel, aluminium, concrete and ceramics. It will allow an upgrade of the capacity of Townsville’s military docks to offer bespoke repairs for domestic and military vessels, including our AUKUS allies. Having a strong steel industry will open the possibility of Australian armour, transport and military rolling stock as well as a domestic strategic fleet, offering economic benefit to Townsville, Newcastle, Williamtown and Port Adelaide.

What would also help is to not forget that our greatest strength is our love of this beautiful country. That will make us strong. One Nation will not apologise for loving Australia, loving our flag, loving our language, loving our history and loving our culture. We are proud of our nation of Australia. We will proudly grow our manufacturing base to create wealth and security for all Australians.

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Christian Minister Faces Legal Action Over No ‘Welcome to Country’

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In a worrying development of the growing threat to religious freedom in Australia, Christian Minister Dave Pellowe is facing legal action from the Queensland Human Rights Commission. The complaint stems from comments he made at a recent Church and State conference, where he recited Christian theology on land ownership. Specifically, Pellowe refused to perform a “welcome to country” on the basis that ownership of the land belongs to God, not to Aboriginal people.

Psalms 24:1 teaches us that “the earth is the Lord’s, and everything in it,” and there are similar verses found in Genesis and Leviticus, therefore the theological basis for Pellowe’s statement is not in dispute.  He argues that God delegated stewardship of this beautiful country was entrusted to those who follow God in faith – his image leaders – bestowing the right of individuals to keep and use land and property in service of God.  This implies that no single group, whether Aboriginal or Christian, has sole ownership of the land.

This complaint is not about hurt feelings but raises a fundamental issue regarding the right to practice Christianity.

Transcript

In an alarming example of the growing threat to religious freedom in Australia, Dave Pellowe, a Christian minister, is facing legal action in the Queensland Human Rights Commission. The complaint stems from comments he made at a recent Church And State conference, where he repeated Christian theology on ownership of land. Specifically, he refused to provide a welcome to country on the basis that Aboriginals do not own this country; God does. 

Psalms 24:1 teaches us that ‘the earth is the Lord’s, and everything in it’ and there are similar verses in Genesis and Leviticus, so the theology of the statement is not in dispute. God delegated stewardship of this beautiful country to those who follow God in faith, his image leaders, bestowing the right of individuals to keep and use their land and property in service of God. Neither Aboriginal nor Christian can claim sole ownership of this land. We both exercise stewardship, on behalf of God. 

The complainant purchased a ticket to attend a Christian conference, marketed as a Christian conference, and was apparently offended to hear a Christian message! Church And State conferences teach the gospel. One attends a Church And State conference to hear the Bible taught and to be actively involved in society. 

Isaiah 24:4-6 offers a warning against supplanting God’s word with another teaching easier on the ears and easier on any superficial consulting of conscience. The church is losing supporters because established religion does not offer leadership. Today it has fewer warriors and no longer has use for the armour of God. The answer to the erosion of support for Christianity is not a softer message; the answer is stronger messaging and deeds that defend the faith. It’s time to end the age of appeasement. 

To those listening at home, Church And State are holding a telethon tomorrow night to fund legal challenges to the war on Christianity. I urge Christians and those who care for religious freedom to tune in online tomorrow night. We have one flag. We are one community. We are One Nation. 

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COVID-19 Commission of Inquiry Blocked!

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Recently, I co-sponsored a Bill to establish a Senate Commission of Inquiry into COVID-19 and the government’s response. A Senate Commission of Inquiry is similar to a Royal Commission.

It’s extraordinary that Australia’s most costly and far reaching government response since WWII has not been subjected to an inquiry. This is more than likely because of the serious mistakes made, including poor judgments and instances of cronyism in both the government and the health industry.

I spoke in favour of the Bill, but it was voted down by globalist Liberals and, unsurprisingly, the corporate lackies in the Labor Party. The Greens chose to abstain.

One Nation remains committed to securing a thorough Commission of Inquiry into both the disastrous government response and the origins of COVID-19 itself.

How They Voted

Transcript

One Nation strongly supports the COVID-19 Response Commission of Inquiry Bill 2024, which I’ve proudly co-sponsored. To use the words of a former prime minister, ‘It’s time.’ It’s time to accept our duty is to the Australian people, not to ourselves and our colleagues. It’s time for courage and for truth.  

My Senate office held the first inquiry into COVID and response measures, called COVID Under Question, on 23 March 2022; a second was held on 17 August of the same year. Witnesses included Australian and international experts on health and the relatives of people that the COVID vaccine injections killed or maimed. All aspects of Australia’s COVID response were questioned. Several political parties participated, making it a truly non-partisan, cross-party inquiry. Because of the two full days of testimony at these hearings my decision-making has been better informed ever since. And that’s what senators must do: inform ourselves. 

The increasing interest from mainstream media in reporting the harm our COVID measures have caused indicates time is running out for those engaging in a cover-up. The public remains deeply dissatisfied and gravely concerned about state and federal governments’ COVID response. The people have many questions to be answered before trust can be restored in federal and state governments, politicians, health departments and agencies, medical professionals, medical professions, the media and pharmaceutical companies. 

I find it surprising our health bureaucrats and politicians oppose a judicial inquiry into COVID. After listening to their responses in Senate estimates hearings over the last four years, it’s clear they do not want to admit to a single mistake. In fact, their answers suggest they consider their performance exemplary, worthy of medals and parades. The United Kingdom even called upon the whole country to stand every Thursday evening on their front doorsteps and applaud their health professionals. Can you believe that? The inventor of the Moderna vaccine was given a stage-managed standing ovation at Wimbledon. Certainly, big pharma thought so highly of the head of our TGA, Therapeutic Goods Administration, Professor Skerritt, that they offered him a thankyou job on the board of Medicines Australia, which, despite the grandiose name, is the main pharmaceutical industry lobby group—heady days, indeed. Those days are over. That’s it! To those in this place fighting a rearguard action against the tidal wave of knowledge and accountability, it must now be clear to you that the battle is lost. Public anger is not going away; it’s here to stay until you restore trust. Trust in the medical profession is lower than at any time I can recall, and I fear where that will lead if not corrected. 

Every new unexplained death and every new heartbreak increases public realisation of what was done to our people in Australia. Despite the statistical sleight of hand, excess deaths are not falling. The genetic timebomb of mRNA vaccines is still ticking. More people are dying and more will die. The failure of our regulatory authorities to protect us is a crime. Approving a novel vaccine that killed people is a crime—homicide. Banning existing products that had proven efficacy and safety in order to drive sales of the so-called vaccine is a crime. Finally, covering up this corrupt process is a crime. 

Those who approved the vaccine knew, or rightly should have known, it was a gene therapy of a type which has failed a generation of safety testing. Five United States states—Texas, Utah, Kansas, Mississippi and Louisiana—are currently suing Pfizer for knowingly concealing vaccine caused myocarditis, pericarditis, failed pregnancies and deaths. The complaints allege Pfizer falsely claimed that its vaccine retained high efficacy against variants, despite knowing the reverse to be true—that is, protection dropped quickly over time, and the vaccine did not protect against new variants. Marketing the vaccine as safe and effective, despite its known risks, is a violation of consumer law in these five states. 

The lawsuit alleges that Pfizer engaged in censorship with social media companies to silence people criticising its safety and efficacy claims, proof of which has been public knowledge since Elon Musk released the Twitter files in December 2022. The lawsuit charges civil conspiracy between Pfizer, the US Department of Health and Human Services and others ‘to wilfully conceal, suppress or omit material facts relating to Pfizer’s COVID-19 vaccine.’ Under America’s PREP Act, Pfizer has indemnity for injuries. That indemnity is invalidated through making false and misleading claims. 

The reason this relates to Australia and to Australians is our contract with Pfizer, which provided indemnity against injury, can be negated through Pfizer’s misconduct, and misconduct there was, as I’m sure this commission of inquiry will discover. To taxpayers wondering why the expense of this inquiry is needed, here’s a thought: if we have a chance to move the cost of vaccine harm from the taxpayer to the perpetrator, we must take that opportunity. The guilty should pay; taxpayers should not pay. 

The grand jury evidence gathered to prepare the United States court case from the five states that I mentioned earlier applies to Australia as well. It makes for horrifying reading. First, Pfizer’s chairman and CEO, Dr Bourla, a veterinarian, not a doctor, declined government funding in order to prevent the government’s ability to oversee the vaccine development, testing and manufacture. That’s not something one does with a safe and properly made product. Second, Pfizer’s independence from Operation Warp Speed allowed it to demand a ‘tailor-made contract’ that did not include the normal clauses protecting taxpayers’ interests. Third, the investigation found Pfizer wilfully concealed, suppressed and omitted safety and efficacy data relating to its COVID-19 vaccine and kept them hidden through confidentiality agreements. Fourth, Pfizer had a written agreement with the United States government that Pfizer had to approve any messaging around the vaccine. I suspect the inquiry will find the same arrangement applied in Australia. In effect, Pfizer told our regulators what to say about their product. 

Fifth, Pfizer used an extended study timeline to conceal critical data relating to the safety and effectiveness of its COVID-19 vaccine. The study timeline was repeatedly pushed out to avoid revealing the results of the clinical trials until after billions of doses had been given. I’ll say that again: they avoided revealing the results of the clinical trials until after billions of doses had been given. Sixth, instead, Pfizer submitted a Hollywood version of the safety trials, which showed efficacy and safety that their real trials did not have—and our state and federal health authorities bought it. 

Seventh, we’re three years into COVID and scientists still can’t review Pfizer’s COVID-19 raw trial data. Eighth, so, when Professor Skerritt said in Senate estimates hearings that the TGA, the Therapeutic Goods Administration—his Therapeutic Goods Administration—had analysed all of the trial data, that was a lie. They used Pfizer’s special data. 

Ninth, Pfizer kept its COVID-19 vaccine’s true effects hidden through destroying the trial control group, invalidating the whole study. This was not gold standard research; this was dangerous and fraudulent behaviour. Tenth, Pfizer rigged the trial through excluding individuals who had been diagnosed with COVID-19, who were immunocompromised, pregnant or breastfeeding, or who were simply unwell. Why did the TGA claim the vaccine was safe for these very people when the vaccine was not tested on these people? Eleventh, the statement that the vaccine worked even if you already had COVID is therefore a lie, and yet that lie was used to expand the market and make more money. 

Twelfth, Pfizer maintained its own secret adverse events database, which was obtained in court process, and showed in the first three months of the rollout 158,893 adverse events resulted, including 1,223 deaths. Thirteenth, Pfizer was receiving so many adverse event reports that it had to hire 600 additional, full-time staff. It hired 600 extra people to monitor the adverse event reports. 

And, finally, while Pfizer tested its COVID-19 vaccine on healthy individuals in 2020, Pfizer and its partner, BioNTech, quietly tested its COVID-19 vaccine on pregnant rats. Test rats produced foetuses with severe soft tissue and skeletal malformations, failed to become pregnant and failed to implant embryos at more than double the control group rate. That’s amongst other side effects. Some rats lost their entire litter. Pfizer did not issue a press release announcing the rat fertility study’s findings. And when they were asked, they lied about the outcome. I can’t help but think about women, humans, suffering as a result of this. We know that. 

The United States is achieving what Australia is not—rigorous inquiry and testing of the law. What are you afraid of? In Australia, this is behaviour which, under normal circumstances, would already have resulted in a commission of inquiry. Our delay in calling that inquiry damns us. Other nations are now ahead of us. South Korea has produced a study which analysed 4.3 million individuals—4.3 million!—comparing the rates of various new medical conditions in vaccinated versus unvaccinated groups over three months. The study revealed that the vaccinated experienced a 138 per cent increase in mild cognitive impairment, a 93 per cent increase in sleep disorders, a 23 per cent rise in Alzheimer’s disease, a 44 per cent rise in anxiety and related disorders and a 68 per cent rise in depression. 

In Australia, following my questions to the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare at the inquiry into excess mortality in Australia, evidence was presented that the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare could have done this same research. It chose not to. Our health authorities are not conducting this research because they don’t want to know the answer. They want to hide from the truth, hide from the homicide that’s been caused in this country. I ask the Senate to pass this bill so we can get the answers ourselves, which is, as senators, our sworn duty.  

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Predatory Billionaires Are Corrupting Free Enterprise

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One Nation is the party of free enterprise, which has lifted the Western world out of poverty, providing high standards of living within peaceful societies.

In recent years, predatory billionaires—who already possess more than their fair share—have used their wealth to compromise industry, media, and politics. Their reason is simple: for these individuals, no amount is ever enough. They covet every cent you have and every freedom you enjoy.

The end result is not free enterprise but crony capitalism—a corruption of true free enterprise. This corrupted system serves only to enrich the elite while enslaving everyday citizens in a debt trap and more recently, a digital prison designed to ensure their transfer of wealth is protected.

Transcript

Qantas CEO Vanessa Hudson recently declared that no new airlines could survive in Australia; that was about Bonza. We’ve since seen Rex’s demise, leaving two companies running three major airlines in a market worth $20 billion a year. 

One Nation believes free enterprise competition delivers the highest quality product for the lowest price to the most people. Competition best meets people’s needs. In Australia, we do not have free enterprise competition; we have crony capitalism. Those are not the same thing; they’re enemies. 

Crony capitalism occurs when a cabal of companies acts together to capture production, manufacturing and delivery, to provide the lowest quality product at the highest possible price. That arranged market domination inevitably lowers wages and transfers wealth from working Australians to crony capitalists. 

Anyone who shops in foreign-owned-and-controlled Coles or Woolies will have noticed that everything is smaller, cheaper and doesn’t work like it used to. That’s crony capitalism at work. The world’s largest wealth funds have bought out Australia and turned our once-loved companies into weapons of mass exploitation. Our corporate sector no longer serves us. Instead, we serve the corporate sector, including by the forced purchase of fake medical products during COVID. 

One Nation believes government regulation—including of airlines, banking and the medical field—does not protect the public against corporations; it protects the corporations against new competition and, therefore, against the people. High levels of regulation are barriers to entry to new players, allowing large corporations to thrive while small local players like Rex are strangled and wiped out. Masses of regulations protect corporations with expensive lawyers against court cases. 

If you believe it’s time to reduce regulation, to reduce the presence of foreign corporations and governments in our economy; if you believe it’s time to unleash real competition, to solve the cost-of-living crisis and provide better choices, then welcome to the light. Welcome to One Nation. 

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Labor’s Union Ties and Cover-ups

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Anthony Albanese and his Labor government have lost the people’s trust and support. Labor is tied to the CFMEU because of the union’s massive donations. They are also hiding the largest wage theft in Australia’s history, especially among miners in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley, who are owed significant back pay. 

Recent actions by Labor, such as the late submission of bills, suggest a cover-up to avoid scrutiny. Unions like the CFMEU have lost their way, evident during the COVID-19 lockdowns when members rebelled against their union’s lack of care. Labor abolished the ABCC despite criminal issues within the unions. Labor’s relationship with the CFMEU is a problem and is driven by donations.

As a former union member, I value true unions like the Miners Federation. Today, many union bosses prioritise personal gain, neglecting their members, as seen with the CFMEU and Mining and Energy Union. Workers are forced into monopolistic unions without choice, but alternatives like Queensland’s Red Union exist.  Protecting union monopolies will further their demise and lower wages. Choice is crucial. 

Look at this: Chandler Macleod Group, part of Recruit Holdings, the world’s largest labour hire company, works with the CFMEU and Mining and Energy Union in Hunter and Central Queensland.  The federal government spends billions on labour hire – and the Fair Work Commission has approved these questionable arrangements. BHP, with union help, forced workers from permanent jobs to lower-paying Tesla labour hire, then to Chandler Macleod with another big pay cut.

We need open scrutiny and an inquiry, not just window dressing. The Bill should go to committee, or at least be heard on Friday.  We want to amend the Bill to enable challenges to the Minister’s regulations.  We are committed to seeing criminal charges laid against union crooks, reinstating the watchdog and pushing for comprehensive industrial relations reform.

Transcript

Trust has been lost. Anthony Albanese and his Labor government have lost the people’s trust, lost the people’s confidence, lost the people’s support. Labor supports the CFMEU because the CFMEU gives it massive donations—millions and millions of cash for election campaigns. Labor is wedded to the CFMEU. Labor is dependent on the CFMEU. 

Labor is hiding the biggest wage theft in Australia’s history. Five years I’ve spent exposing the scam. We have an excellent independent report, Coal miners wage theft, done in February this year. It vindicates what I’ve been pushing for five years. Some miners in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley are owed $41,000 per annum in wage theft. The Independent Workers Union, a new, fair-dinkum union operating in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley, has lodged complaints for many miners because the CFMEU and the Mining and Energy Union have not bothered to do so. They won’t go after the back pay of the wage theft. 

I’m aware of a complaint lodged just recently, in the last couple of days, to the Fair Work Ombudsman by the Independent Workers Union, seeking, for one person alone, $211,000 in back pay—$211,000 in wage theft that this Labor government condones and hides. The CFMEU drove the theft of wages from Central Queensland and Hunter miners. The workers’ former protectors in the CFMEU are now their exploiters. They’re hurting workers. I wonder: will Labor’s administrator allocate the CFMEU funds to make good the miners’ wages? For one person it’s $211,000; there are over 5,000 miners losing up to or around $41,000 per year of service. 

Labor MPs are complicit because there has been a protection racket for their mates in the CFMEU. Labor MPs in the Hunter denied and then ignored my claims—my claims put to them in writing. I hand-delivered, to Dan Repacholi’s office here in parliament, my letter to him explaining this. Not a peep! Instead, we got lies from Mr Repacholi in the Hunter, and similar from Joel Fitzgibbon. Minister Watt in the Senate has denigrated, ridiculed and dismissed more than 5,000 miners’ legal improvement entitlements. And I have been proven correct. 

Let’s return to Monday and Minister Gallagher’s word, ‘urgent’. ‘This is urgent,’ she said, as to the administrator for the CFMEU. I add two words: ‘cover up’. It’s a cover-up. Minister Gallagher says Labor’s administrator is ‘urgent’, yet Minister Watt dropped this bill on us late on Monday night. What gives? Do you expect us to believe that it was drafted on Sunday—that they did an all-nighter in the department on Sunday with lots of coffee? Why did Labor drop it on us without giving it to us earlier? Is it to avoid scrutiny? Yes—I can see some senators agreeing. When did the Greens and the teal Senator Pocock get copies? We’ve had instances in the past where they have got copies of new bills two weeks before we have and they’ve been dropped on us at the last minute. 

Then Senator Gallagher sought exemption from the normal bills process. Speaking of exemption, Senator Gallagher said, ‘The Albanese government says it’s a clear path.’ Yet the bill is littered with the word ‘may’. It’s a very unclear bill. It needs the word ‘will’. Secondly, she said, ‘The people of Australia are expecting a clear response.’ With an unclear bill? I echo Senator O’Sullivan’s call for a hearing. Then Senator Gallagher said, ‘We will give you a firm view at the end of the week.’ You will only get a firm view with a hearing. We need a firm view and scrutiny of this legislation. We need ‘may’ to be replaced by ‘will’ quite often. We need an opportunity for bipartisan input. 

I’m a former member of three unions. I know genuine unions are necessary. The genuine union movement has a long and proud history, going back to Wales and the lodge system in the Miners Federation, which I was a proud member and participant of. Yet today so many union bosses have forgot their workers and members. Why? Today workers’ protections are enshrined in law—as they should be—including safety, wages, conditions, security, retirement, health and many other provisions. Now the union bosses erode and steal these for personal gain, as the CFMEU and the Mining and Energy Union have done in Central Queensland and the Hunter. Personal gain and power, that’s what it’s about now, not looking after members. Why? Because they’re an untouchable monopoly. Workers need choice. Workers don’t have choice. They must join the union in their industry. That’s it. There’s no choice. The Red Union in Queensland and around Australia and in New Zealand is giving workers choice. 

Thirdly, the Fair Work Commission and the Fair Work Ombudsman have failed to protect miners and workers. The Fair Work Commission has overseen and approved the theft of wages from casual coalminers in the Hunter Valley. As a boy, I lived in Central Queensland and the Hunter coalfields. My dad was in coalmining. I graduated with a mining engineers degree, an honours degree, and then decided I’d better go and learn something, so I worked at the coalface.  

I came across Bill Chapman, the legendary president of the Northern District Miners Federation. He was a wonderful man. I sided with him in an open-air meeting when I worked at Westfalen’s No. 2 mine when I worked on the night shift there. My dad was complimented, highly, by Bill Chapman at my father’s retirement. My dad and Bill used to argue a lot, but they respected each other, because Bill was genuinely concerned about workers. I knew Mattie Best before he died. I worked with him. I played football with him. He was my football coach in Central Queensland when I played rugby league. He was a genuine union delegate who had respect from workers and management and fellow union bosses. He called out safety issues when they were abused. 

I am proud to support real unions that work in workers’ interests. I worked as a mine manager with the CFMEU union bosses. We developed a landmark award that I instigated, and I instigated many previously undreamt-of provisions because they were to the benefit of the workers and productivity. I worked with the union. 

The rank and file in the CFMEU in Victoria during the COVID mismanagement erupted in a mutiny against vaccine mandates and lockdowns. The members realised their union bosses did not care, and they revolted. Labor then abolished the Australian Building and Construction Commission. Senator Watt said, ‘Australians expected parliament to deal with criminal allegations inside the recalcitrant union promptly.’ How, looking at this vague bill? Where is the trust? It’s been smashed. Labor supports the CFMEU because of donations; Labor is wedded to the CFMEU because it’s dependent on donations.  

Yesterday we heard Senator Pocock, a teal senator, say: ‘We need to be cleaning up the union.’ Has he forgotten that he supported the abolition of the ABCC? The CFMEU has assisted in theft from miners, as I’ve explained. They’re now exploiting miners. The Labor Party has been complicit. Both Joel Fitzgibbon and Dan Repacholi reportedly get campaign donations from the CFMEU. Then we get Labor’s fabrication. 

The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT (Senator Allman-Payne): Minister McAllister? 

Senator McAllister: I wonder if Senator Roberts could be asked to refer to people by their proper titles.  

The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Thank you, Senator.  

Senator ROBERTS: Labor fabricated an imaginary loophole, which the miners in Central Queensland and the Hunter Valley told me was a fabrication, and I worked out it is. Then they pretended to close the loophole with their closing loopholes bill. All it needed was enforcement of the Fair Work Act and the Black Coal Mining Industry Award. Minister Watt and Minister Burke, his predecessor, and Mr Fitzgibbon and Mr Repacholi are complicit in this way theft, the largest in Australia. Labor enabled casuals— 

The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator, please resume your seat. Minister? 

Senator McAllister: Senator Roberts is reflecting very directly on a range of people, including ministers who represent the government in this chamber, and he should withdraw. 

The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: It would assist the chamber. You were certainly straying into impugning members of the parliament. 

Senator ROBERTS: To assist the chamber, and for that reason, I will withdraw. But Labor enabled casuals in coalmining. The Black Coal Mining Industry Award prohibited casuals on production; it still does. Labor, under Prime Minister Gillard, changed the coal long service leave provisions legislation to include casuals. I’m told that Anthony Albanese read the bill into parliament early in 2011. That’s what enabled this wage theft. 

The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: Senator— 

Senator ROBERTS: Sorry—Mr Albanese, the Prime Minister. 

The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT: This is happening reasonably regularly throughout your contribution. Could you please make sure that you refer to everyone to whom you are referring using their correct titles. 

Senator ROBERTS: Certainly. Labor has forgotten workers. It’s actually helping union bosses—union bosses from the CFMEU—to exploit workers. Minister Watt knows of the wage theft, because he advised us of the Mining and Energy Union’s application for a new enterprise agreement. We advised him the application confirms our work. And yet there has been no Mining and Energy Union application for back pay. Why? Because when they were part of the CFMEU they deliberately conjured up illegal enterprise agreements. We’ve had no word from Minister Watt regarding the investigation into wage theft that the Senate required thanks to my amendment to a bill earlier this year. We do not believe that Minister Watt is fit to oversee the CFMEU administrator. It’s a furphy. 

Look at the other unions, the health and safety unions, stealing from the lowest-paid workers in Australia, and SDA union bosses corrupt. The Fair Work Act covers union bosses’ greed, theft and abuse. Look at Craig Thomson. We’re tired of the cover-ups. 

Let’s get on to the root cause. It was publicly revealed in the Australian Financial Review on 12 April this year. Their journalist David Marin-Guzman wrote an article headlined ‘CFMEU push to take control of the Labor Party’. I quote: 

John Setka is planning to use the militant construction union’s hundreds of delegates and members to boost the CFMEU’s influence on internal Labor politics in the Victorian and federal parliaments. 

Another quote: 

Such a large membership drive could give the CFMEU significant control over Labor preselections and party conferences, which elect the party executive and vote on policy— 

even the Premier in Victoria. That’s what’s going on here; it’s a power play. 

Then we see Labor Premier Steven Miles in Queensland accused of silencing the Crime and Corruption Commission. Mark Le Grand, who spent 10 years as chief investigator at the then Criminal Justice Commission in the wake of the 1989 Fitzgerald inquiry, told the Australian there would have been no point in having the royal commission if Fitzgerald could not report on its investigation. Labor want to shut down the reporting. I could go on with more quotes. 

We then have Robert Gottliebsen telling us of the dire predicament of Australia’s productivity decline. Falling productivity—yeah, that’s the key to wage rises! The CFMEU is guilty of destroying productivity. When productivity falls it kills industry, kills the future and kills jobs. Add that to the energy prices, the industrial relations policies, the inflation, the productivity decline. It’s killing the economy, killing national security and killing the standard of living. 

This is about more than just the CFMEU administrator; this is about trust. We see in Queensland that the Labor Party and the union movement are not two separate entities; they are one entity. Minister Grace Grace, when she lost her seat and Campbell Newman took over a decade ago, went straight into a job at $180,000 a year at the Queensland Teachers Union. Then, when Labor got back into power, she slid straight back into working directly with the Labor Party. The whole time she worked with the Labor Party. We’ve seen the Labor government in Queensland outlaw the Red Union because it’s competition for the Queensland Teachers Union and the Queensland nurses union. There’s a monopoly in industrial relations and no accountability. Then we have provisions. I draw people’s attention to provisions such as to 323B in the new act, clause 1, clause 2, which I do not have time to go into at the moment. These are things we are focusing on. Section 323C clause 2, section 323D clause 1—so loose, so vague, so open. We need accountability. We need competition amongst unions with better service to members. We need higher sustained wages now and into the future, because an industry that is healthy will pay higher wages. That is a proven fact. 

Protecting union monopolies will continue union demise and lead to lower wages. Choice is essential. Look at the players in this: Chandler McLeod Group, part of Recruit Holdings, the world’s largest labour hire company working with the CFMEU and the Mining and Energy Union in the Hunter and Central Queensland. Federal government itself uses billions of dollars of labour hire. The Fair Work Commission has approved these awards. BHP forced people to change from being BHP people with permanent employment to Tesla labour hire with a big pay cut, thanks to the union, and then forced to go to Chandler Macleod with another big pay cut. 

We need open scrutiny, we need a hearing, not window-dressing. It needs to be sent to committee, or at least get a hearing on Friday. We are thinking of an amendment requesting the administrator investigate coalmining wage theft as per one union report and organise for the CFMEU finances to cover that—but it is not part of the bill, so we won’t be doing that. We want to amend the bill to allow disallowance of the minister’s regulations. We want to see criminal charges. We want to see the watchdog brought back and comprehensive reform to industrial relations. 

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