Parliament is back. It’s time for Australian politicians to put Australia first.

Transcript

As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia, this is One Nation’s address in reply to the Governor-General’s opening speech for the 47th Parliament, a speech on behalf of his government. The reviews on social media were underwhelming. Everyday Australians struggling with cost of living were looking to the government for a real plan to bring inflation under control. None was forthcoming. No plan.

The truth is we have a new government that has a long list of sponsors that it needs to placate. Everyday Australians, sadly, are not on the government’s list. One Nation is ready with bold nation-building ideas to deliver breadwinner jobs, lower inflation, and energy security. So let me start where all good governments should start, with the people.

If everyday Australians today feel like they’re working harder and going backwards, it’s because people are.

This month’s Treasury financial data shows that the share of our GDP going to people, that’s wages and salaries, is at an all-time low. Yet the percentage going to corporate profits is at an all-time high. Over the last 30 years, education, healthcare, and housing have increased 300%, far outstripping wages growth.

Next, One Nation continues to pursue our commitment to workers’ rights across the course of this Parliament. Today we re-introduced our Fair Work Amendment Equal Pay for Equal Work Bill 2022. This bill ensures casuals on labour hire contracts in industries that do not have provision for casual employment receive the same pay as the full-time worker alongside doing the same job. Our bill covers black coal, airline crew, and stevedoring. In anticipation of any future exploitation of workers, the bill is worded to allow additional awards to be added.

Next, energy. It’s unbelievable that a nation as resource rich as Australia has plunged its people into an energy crisis. Our governments should be able to guarantee affordable and reliable energy, yet in 2022, state and federal governments are failing. I remind the Senate, Australia has enough coal and uranium reserves to last hundreds of years, yet we have the highest electricity prices in the world. The highest in the world.

We’re the world’s largest exporters of energy. Number one in gas, number two in coal.

Yet due to government subsidies for unreliable wind and solar, we have the world’s highest domestic prices of gas and electricity. Australian families bear the cost of the unreliable wind and solar fairytales with our living standards declining and electricity bills climbing.

The inefficiencies and consequences of unreliable and expensive wind and solar are breathtaking, devastating, and totally unchecked against reality. Small and medium businesses are struggling to keep the doors open in the face of frightening electricity bills causing supply chain inflation. Large corporations with dominant market power are able to simply pass on higher energy prices. Small businesses are not. Small business employs 4.7 million Australians who are struggling because their employers are struggling.

This government has signalled their intention to use unreliable wind and solar to lead an attack on the living standards of everyday Australians. Or more accurately, unreliable, unstable, unscientific electricity. Let me break it down for you. It’s simply impossible to build the volume of wind and solar and batteries needed to meet the 2030 deadline. Wind and solar constructed so far in Australia operate at just 23% of rated capacity because relying on nature’s variability gets you just 23%, not 100%.

To meet the Prime Minister’s 43% target,

for every one megawatt of reliable baseload coal power that’s shut down, Australia will need to build 4.3 megawatts of unreliable wind and solar power.

For example, replacing the 2,000-megawatt Liddell coal-fired power station will require 8,600 megawatts of wind or solar. Even this will only deliver power reliably if matched with a big battery having a similar capacity. Absurd.

To build the volume of unreliable wind and solar and batteries needed by 2030 is simply impossible. So the 2030 carbon dioxide reduction target of 43% is not a target for the construction of unreliable wind and solar electricity generation. We know that’s impossible. Rather, it’s a sneaky target for reducing electricity usage. In 2010, Australia’s electricity consumption was 213 terawatts. It’s already fallen in 2021 to 188 terawatts, 11% decrease, despite Australia’s population growing from 22 million to 26 million, almost a 24% increase.

At 10,071 kilowatt hours per capita, Australia ranks 14th in per capita electricity consumption. Now, it’s a legitimate argument to say that Australia should reduce our electricity consumption further only once the rest of the world reduces theirs. Anyway, why should we reduce electricity consumption? High prices are not an unintended or transitional outcome of unreliable energy. High prices are designed to deliberately reduce electricity consumption. That’s why Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has already abandoned his campaign promise to cut electricity bills.

That was never real. It was hollow tokenism. A deliberate lie. Parliamentarians, corporate leaders, and their media mouthpiece in protected ivory towers live in a parallel reality where cost of living price hikes like fuel and electricity are a mild inconvenience, not the bloody difference between eating dinner or staying warm that confronts many people in Australia today. Destroying baseload power with reckless abandon is hurting the people who must make the choice between food and warmth. Where’s the humanity in that? Where is the care?

The fairytale climate contradictions making electricity production dependent on nature’s variable wind and solar is a nightmare. There’s no happy ending.

Increasing numbers of businesses are failing, jobs are vanishing, families are being torn apart, and communities, especially regional centres, are being destroyed.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics data shows that there are currently 24,000 people directly employed in unreliable energy. To contend that these same unreliables will cause an increase in jobs of 600,000 is the lie of the century.

It will never happen. Indeed, the reverse will be true because studies overseas show that for every unreliable wind and solar job, there are 2.2 jobs lost in the real economy. They are facts. One only has to understand the inherent inefficiency of wind and solar and the low energy density to understand, and their high consumption of resources in being built. That is basic.

Baseload power, though, and jobs go hand in hand. The Prime Minister and the Labour Party, after nine years in opposition, have admitted they have no idea how to create jobs for everyday Australians. Instead, the Prime Minister will host a stage-managed talkfest on job creation. Why? Where’s his plan we heard so much about before the election? The Albanese plan is revealed to be a plan to ask other people what the plan should be. One Nation, though, does know how to create jobs. Get back to basics. Today, the biggest cost in manufacturing is electricity, not the cost of employing workers, not the labour cost. High energy prices have destroyed jobs, and with that, gutted workers’ power. And what drives wages? Supply and demand drives wages.

Australia has significant reserves of iron ore, bauxite, copper, and rare earths, yet we import our electronics, our whitegoods, our finished products made from these same materials.

If Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was serious about job creation, he only needs to safeguard our baseload power through coal and nuclear.

That will bring down energy prices and supercharge our manufacturing sector.

A One Nation government will do that. Get back to proven, common-sense basics, fundamentals. Why has the Albanese government agreed to increase immigration when the Prime Minister has admitted to having no idea how to create the jobs for these people? High immigration without addressing jobs, housing, and energy sells out workers. It sells them short and creates disadvantaged groups. It’s that simple.

So let’s turn to infrastructure. An ambitious infrastructure programme will deliver the jobs growth needed to restore workers’ rights and restore secure employment. Real infrastructure, not the green fairytales that we hear from the government and the previous government. One Nation will advocate for: a national rail circuit; North West Queensland’s CopperString 2.0 high-voltage power transmission; the Tully-Millstream hydro project; Urannah Dam; the Bradfield Scheme conditional on the business case; and many more nation-building projects.

Let’s turn to the Reserve Bank. During COVID, the Reserve Bank admitted conjuring up $500 billion using electronic ledger entries called quantitative easing. The Reserve Bank’s words, electronic journal entries.

We now have, as a result, the highest inflation since the 1980s. Quantitative easing is undoubtedly related to the current spike in inflation. It’s driving it.

Money conjured out of thin air and spent on recurring expenses rather than nation building is inflationary. Both sides of this chamber took the decision to conjure so much money and spread it on economic, and spend it on economic sherbet.

Now we have the Albanese Labor Party, while in opposition, was complicit in this economic catastrophe, so they inherit the consequences of their complicity. But don’t point fingers across the chamber on this. Work together. If this Parliament gets it wrong, everyday Australians will suffer through inflation, or worse, stagflation, for decades.

And instead of working together to push Klaus Schwab’s World Economic Forum plan based on United Nations policies, work together instead for our country. Klaus Schwab’s life by subscription, quote, is really serfdom. It’s slavery. Billionaire globalist corporations will own everything, homes, factories, farms, cars, furniture, and everyday citizens will rent what they need if their social credit score allows.

The plan of the Great Reset is that you will die with nothing. To pull off this evil plan, Klaus Schwab’s World Economic Forum will need to take more than just material possessions from Australians. Senators in this very chamber today who support the Great Reset threaten our privacy, freedom, and dignity. Yes, they’re in this senate chamber.

One Nation vehemently opposes the Great Reset, the Digital Identity Bill, theft of agricultural land use forcing farmers off their land, and all of the Great Reset. One Nation has a comprehensive plan to bring our beautiful country back to sustainable prosperity. And in the months ahead, we will be rolling that plan out. Instead of Lib-Lab pushing Klaus Schwab’s Great Reset with the tagline, you will own nothing and be happy,

One Nation advocates the Great Resist.

We stand for a world where individuals and communities have primacy over predatory globalist billionaires and their quisling bureaucrats, politicians, and mouthpiece media. One Nation accepts the challenge to provide a better future for everyday Australians.

We have one flag, we are one community, and we are One Nation.

This was a letter I received after I questioned Meat and Livestock Australia about how they planned to make more money out of cattle without having more cattle in Australia. It all ties into the elites plan to have the peasants eat bugs.

I’m a passionate second-generation butcher, 40 years of age. Your questions to the head of Meat and Livestock Australia (MLA) about meat prices were very impressive. The MLA l agree are doing a great job in production of better cattle. But, I’d like to say the reason for sending this letter is the supply chain above the retail sector has not acknowledged that the sharp price increase of meat in the past 8 years is hurting the consumer, who we butchers serve on the front line.

The quickness of the increases is strangling butchers and customers in demographic areas where people are mostly cooking at home and can’t afford to eat out. It saddens me seeing customers changing what they are purchasing from us as they can no longer afford to buy their steaks for dinner, opting for cheaper cuts and minimal weights. I am seeing a major shift in what customers can afford to eat which was never an issue with meat in the past.

Without prejudice I can say that all our suppliers we speak to are nearly happy with the price increases which is concerning me as they look at export profits over our own people. It saddens me to say that what you mentioned in your questioning, I can completely back and say it is what’s been going on in a way that’s hurting our own consumers.

It’s making the wealthy minority happy to a point where middle to low-income people in our own country can no longer afford to eat meat. The direction of the MLA will do nothing except help increase prices. This has been shown to me as a reader and a member of the MLA, it’s all about trying to increase meat prices.

A letter from a constituent

Part 1

Part 2

Alan Moran was the Director of the Deregulation Unit at the Institute of Public Affairs from 1996 until 2014.   He was previously a senior official in Australia’s Productivity Commission and Director of the Commonwealth’s Office of Regulation Review.  He has also played a leading role in the development of energy policy and competition policy review as the Deputy Secretary (Energy) in the Victorian Government.

He was educated in the UK and has a PhD in transport economics from the University of Liverpool and degrees from the University of Salford and the London School of Economics.

Alan has published extensively on regulatory issues, particularly focusing on environmental issues, housing, network industries, and electricity and gas market matters. He has also contributed Australian chapters in a series of books on world electricity markets, edited by Fereidoon Sioshansi.

Alan’s most recent book is “Climate Change: Treaties and Policies in the Trump Era” published in 2017.  He also assembled and contributed to a compendium Climate Change: the Facts published in 2015

Transcript

Part 1

Speaker 1:

You’re with Senator Malcolm Roberts on Today’s News Talk Radio TNT.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well G’day, it’s Today’s News Talk Radio, tntradio.live. Thank you very much for having me as your guest, whether it’s in your lounge room, your kitchen, your shed, your car, or wherever you are right now. Thank you very much for listening. And I remind you before we get into our programme, we’ve got a wonderful programme again today.

Malcolm Roberts:

The two most important themes for all my programmes are freedom, specifically freedom versus control, the eternal human battle. And secondly, personal responsibility and integrity. Both freedom and responsibility and integrity are fundamental for human progress and for people’s livelihoods, and we’re going to be discussing them today.

Malcolm Roberts:

Did you just hear on the news that the Ukrainians have been asked to ignore their need for warmth? Australians are also being asked to ignore our need for warmth. We now face in a country that had the world’s most reliable electricity and the world’s cheapest electricity, we now face blackouts. The new term though sorry is demand management. There are so many politically correct terms being bandied around to hide the mismanagement and destruction of our electricity sector.

Malcolm Roberts:

Before going there, I want to share with everyone that I had two wonderful days in Brisbane in the last week. Thursday evening I met with and spoke at and listened to many doctors and health professionals at the Australian Medical Practitioners Society AMPS, A-M-P-S. The summit on Thursday evening was astounding. We had people from all over the world, literally experts, but we most importantly we had homegrown Aussie experts and they did a phenomenal job. It was an honour to be on the stage with them speaking, because what they want to do is to restore our health practitioners independence. They restore the doctor, patient relationship, restore informed consent, restore fair and objective oversight and accreditation.

Malcolm Roberts:

Then the next day, I had two wonderful meetings in my office, one after the other. Firstly, some of the doctors who spoke and these doctors, their courage is amazing. They’ve given up their jobs rather than get injected under mandates from state bodies. They’ve given up their jobs and some of them have had their jobs and livelihoods and professional careers, decades in the making ripped from their lives because they have dared to tell the truth when it comes to informing their patients about the injections and about the adverse effects.

Malcolm Roberts:

We learned about the adverse effects and there are millions of people threatened. So I had two meetings, one with the doctors and then with Senator Gerard Rennick who continues with us to restore health and restore safety for the people of Australia and restore fairness and good governance for the doctors and the health professionals, including the nurses. Ambulance workers were there. Paramedics were there. And we also had two very, very credentialed medical experts; one a retired doctor and the other, a retired former American doctor who’s been in Australia 30 years working with the TGA and he told us what was going on there. And it’s shocking.

Malcolm Roberts:

So there’ll be more about that in coming months. And then last night, my wife and I went to the AMPS, the Australian Medical Professional Society dance. It was really an opportunity for people to let their hair down and talk. And we had the same doctors there. We had many, many people from the public coming in and just appreciating what those doctors are doing. The courage of these men and women, the stress that they have been under, unfairly, dishonestly, inhumanely, and immorally as they try to protect their patients.

Malcolm Roberts:

I was blessed and honoured Thursday and Friday four times by these people. Thank you so much for what you are doing and we will back you. We will hound the people that have been hounding you. We will get them to stop and leave you alone and let you get on with truthful medicine to protect people’s lives to bring safety to people. There are enormous number of people with long COVID and even more, many, many more with severe, serious injection injuries, adverse effects, and we need to protect these people and we’ll be there helping them.

Malcolm Roberts:

But coming back to the topic of energy today, the primacy of energy at the moment, and I’ll ask my guess today to explain more about this, but there are strikes going on in Britain and parts of Europe because people are without their power or because they’re facing huge increases in energy costs, huge increases. And this is in the so-called third world. And these disastrous conditions, threatening conditions are due to neglect, dishonesty, deceit and our guest will explain that.

Malcolm Roberts:

Before we go on to discussing the primacy of energy, our whole standard of living today depends upon modern energy, reliable energy, affordable energy, stable energy, secure energy, environmentally responsible energy and energy price itself is not only significant for our standard of living, it’s a price multiplier because everything is affected by electricity, our raw materials, our agriculture, our food processing, our transport and our jobs. That’s why we’ve exported our jobs to China.

Malcolm Roberts:

We’ll be talking about the benefits to the environment of having affordable, reliable, secure, safe, and environmentally responsible energy. We’ll be talking if we have time about the absurdities that are going on with our so-called modern electricity sector, which is a return to being dependent on nature. Australia has gone from the lowest price electricity to the highest price, despite having the world’s largest gas exports and the second largest coal exports. We have abundant resources. We’re the number one exporters of energy, and yet we can’t keep the lights on at home and people can’t afford to use electricity. Now my guest is Dr. Alan Moran. He was the director of the deregulation unit at the Institute of Public Affairs from 1996 until 2014.

Malcolm Roberts:

He was previously a senior official in Australia’s productivity commission when it was really doing a very, very good job, and director of the Commonwealth’s Office of Regulation Review. He has played a leading role in the development of energy policy and competition policy review as a Deputy Secretary of Energy in the Victorian government, previous Victorian government I’m sure he’ll hasten to add. He was educated in the UK and has a PhD in transport economics from the University of Liverpool and degrees from the University of Salford and the London School of Economics. Alan has published extensively on regulatory issues, particularly focusing on environmental issues, housing, network industries, and electricity and gas market matters.

Malcolm Roberts:

This man knows energy. He knows government. He knows how the bureaucrats work. He has contributed Australian chapters in a series of books on world electricity markets edited by [inaudible 00:08:27]. Dr. Moran’s most recent book is Climate Change: Treaties and Policies in the Trump Era published in 2017. He assembled and contributed to a compendium climate change, the facts published in 2015. This man knows his stuff and he’s got a diverse background. Welcome Alan.

Alan Moran:

Hi Malcolm. Thank you for that intro.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well thank you for coming on TNTradio.live. Let’s start with something you appreciate, mate.

Alan Moran:

That I appreciate.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. Anything at all, just to get the heart and mind synchronised.

Alan Moran:

Well, I think I appreciate living in comfort and being able to turn on the television, being warm, going and playing tennis and having a hot shower afterwards. All of these things are a variation of what we all I think appreciate in the civilised world and what we’ve become accustomed to thinking is just the norm. But of course it wasn’t always the norm and may not be the norm in the future.

Malcolm Roberts:

What do you mean by that, it wasn’t the norm in the past? What would we rely upon for energy before our modern sources?

Alan Moran:

Yeah, well, we probably used per capita at least a hundred times as much energy as we used before, say the 15th century humans per capita. Really energy defines our abilities to enjoy life, our income levels and whatever else. If you think in terms of the development of humanity from out of Africa, et cetera, we basically became somewhat better off when we managed to get forms of energy in terms of harnessing oxen to plough fields, in terms of sales ships to trade, et cetera. And this was, I guess, the first start of rising above just the hunter gatherer stage into something which we would now call civilization. And of course, if we think in terms…

Alan Moran:

If we think in terms of the progression from that early civilization with oxen and sailboats, et cetera, it was quite slow until the 15th or 16th century. The oxens became horses and we bred them better. The sailboats became more sophisticated sailboat, which traversed the world. And all of that contributed to a basic increase in our living standards, not only contributed, without it, we couldn’t have had that increase in the living standards. And this is in the sort of prior to the modern era, which I guess would’ve started maybe in the 19th century and with the ability to harness bigger licks of energy, which meant coal, oil and gas, and allowed us then to move very quickly from harnessing oxen and horses and sailboats into an era where we were using oil and gas and diesel, both to power our homes and light our streets and cook our meals and to traverse the world.

Alan Moran:

A manyfold increase in our productivity resulted from this increased use and the development of energy which we now call fossil fuel energy and has become since then expanded into nuclear energy and hydro energy, but basically the modern forms of energy until we discovered or thought we discovered an ability to go back to wind with windmills and to sun with sun farms and, which I’m sure we’ll talk about later, has partly crippled and may well much more fully cripple our ability to enjoy those quite obvious and universal pleasures that we have as a result of our consumption of energy.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, it’s a very important point you make and I want to extend it. You say we released animals from being a burden on animals to produce our energy for us. And we all need to understand that what energy does when we get it from somewhere else other than their own body, what energy does is it leverages our productivity. It enables us to be more productive and therefore have an easier life. And I loved your term there, energy defines our ability to enjoy life. But it also increases our wealth. And many centuries ago, people would harness another man’s energy called slavery. People would harness animals, and now those animals and slaves fortunately have been liberated because we found other forms of energy, which are more moral and cleaner and much, much more effective and much higher productivity. And that’s why coal and oil and natural gas came in, correct?

Alan Moran:

That’s right. Yeah. And many, many times more efficient.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. And the other thing, Alan, is that nature is very variable in its production of energy, sources of energy. We used to have sailing ships, but they were unreliable. We used to have windmills, but they were unreliable. And so what the hydrocarbon fuels, coal, oil and natural gas did was they made us independent of nature for our energy. And that’s extremely important, isn’t it? Because it enabled us to end the famines. It enabled us to minimise the impact of droughts, floods, not by changing the climate, but by adapting to it by using energy to make us more productive regardless of the climate. So that is extremely important for our wealth, for our ease of living, for our longevity. And the key point you’ve made is that that remarkable transition has occurred in 170 years, but has been due to hydrocarbon fuels, coal, oil and natural gas, correct?

Alan Moran:

That’s right. And of course, without those assets that we now have developed, we would be back to a very primitive living standard and to ability on the vagaries of weather, we would see the sorts of things that mankind throughout most of his history has faced which is famines and droughts and mass near extinctions of people as a result of that weather dependency. The weather is something we talk about, we ramble about, but it was something which was so vital to living before we actually managed to harness it.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. And let’s talk about the fundamentals of energy so everyone understands it and sees where we’re going with our conversation. Correct me if I’m wrong, the fundamentals of energy are cost or affordability. That enables accessibility for everyone if it’s cheaper energy. The very important thing though is as energy prices decrease, productivity increases because we can spend more on energy. So it’s very important for productivity.

Malcolm Roberts:

And as we increase productivity, we increase prosperity. As we increase prosperity, we increase wealth, not just for a few, but for many because one of the things oil, coal and natural gas have done, have put slaves, mechanical slaves at our disposal for carting us around, for transporting our food, for refrigerating our food, for cooking our food, doing our dishes. So we’ve become much more productive and that’s gone down to ever lower income levels. So cost, affordability. Second one is reliability. Third one is security of supply. And the fourth is stability. And I’d add a fifth one there, and that is environmental responsibility. Any others you can think of and do you have any comments on those? Am I right?

Alan Moran:

No, I think you’re dead right. I think that’s all covers the gamut of energy, of what we mean by energy by its ability to enhance our human happiness and ability to live high standard of living. And indeed the great thing about the increase in energy supply is that it allowed what is sometimes called a trickle down effect, whereas gradually if we think in a modern economy today, there are very rich people, but there’s not very many very poor people. The energy that, or they may be very poor in terms of relative to, but compared to the historical poor, they’re immensely rich. And that’s largely because we have harnessed energy and we’ve technologically developed it and we’ve actually put it through wires to our homes, through pipes to our homes, et cetera, in factories.

Alan Moran:

And we’ve done so in ways that by and large have allowed it to become reliable, to be available when we want it, not when it becomes available. And that’s something which we may talk about later is the difference between energy developed by and controlled by humans, which is the fossil fuels, hydroelectricity and nuclear, and that which is not controlled by humans, but which is determined by nature. And which in the past, we made immense advances in harnessing nature in terms of animal power, in terms of shipping or sail ships, et cetera. But those advances were nothing like the ones that we’ve made in the last couple of centuries in terms of harnessing the fossil fuels and hydro and more recently nuclear.

Malcolm Roberts:

We’re on TNTradio.live. I’m Senator Malcolm Roberts. I’m the host. And I’ve got a wonderful guest on right now, an internationally accomplished economist, Dr. Alan Moran and we’re talking about energy. So we need to go to a break in a couple of minutes, Alan, so could you tell us why hydrocarbon fuels, coal, oil, natural gas, what you call fossil fuels, it’s a term I refuse to use, but you can use it. Why are hydrocarbon fuels superior? Isn’t it because of the energy density, they provide high energy density?

Alan Moran:

Yeah, that’s in a nutshell what it means. There’s very low energy density with animal power, with human power, et cetera. And the denser the energy is, that is the more compact it is per the biggest bang per buck if you like it is then the better off we are. Now I’ve got to say the densest energy is nuclear, but nuclear is [inaudible 00:20:24] form of energy, but it’s not, certainly in Australia anyway, it’s not the cheapest form of energy because its density is such that it’s, well, it’s explosive, more explosive than other energy and therefore does require a great deal of sheltering from that to actually operate it. So nuclear, at least for the present is more expensive than other energies, which are less dense than the hydrocarbons and hydropower. But yeah, the energy density defines its cost, its basic cost.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you. And perhaps before we go to the break, I’ll just mention that you’ve raised an important point in that nuclear is even more dense than hydrocarbons coal, oil and natural gas, but it needs elaborate protection, which raises the cost. And fundamental to cost is the amount of resources going into produce the energy. So in a coal fired power station for the unit of energy that it produces, it’s on average $35, sorry, 35 tonnes of steel per unit of electricity produced.

Malcolm Roberts:

Alex Epstein has produced the figures in the states showing that wind, a wind turbine, requires a 546 tonnes of steel for the same amount of energy. Huge increase in resources, not only because it is a larger use of resources in developing wind power, but also much, much less energy comes out. So we’ve got very high cost of energy per unit of energy produced.

Malcolm Roberts:

We’re with Alan Moran and we’ve just established the superiority of hydrocarbon fuels and the benefits that they have blessed on humanity. We’ll have a quick ad break and then we’ll be back to listen to Alan Moran on what is happening to our energy sector.

Malcolm Roberts:

The voice of freedom is TNTradio.live. And we’ve been talking about a topic that I don’t think you’d hear about on the ABC, Alan or on channel 7, 9, 10, a topic that would be banned on many or downplayed or distorted and misrepresented many stations around the world.

Malcolm Roberts:

So let’s move to the replacements for hydrocarbon energy. Why are unreliable intermittents like solar and wind inherently inferior and fundamentally will never work because of their lower energy density and high resource consumption? Can you explain that to people?

Alan Moran:

Yeah. You start with the first base is you say, okay, well, the cost of the fuel inputs for solar and for wind is zero more or less. So basically the air’s free and the sun’s free. So building upon that, many then argue, “Well, this is the fuel of the future. It’s zero cost as an input.” But as you point out with quoting Epstein’s estimates on the amount of raw materials in harnessing that solar and wind, by the time you’ve actually produced it, it’s obviously far more than zero. But there’s been tremendous advances in terms of the ability to produce from wind and solar. It’s much more than halved over the past 20 years. And probably it will reduce a little bit further in the future, but it follows a kind of a trajectory of diminishing improvements in efficiency and it’s difficult to see major additional ones.

Alan Moran:

But if you look in terms of crude for Australia and other countries are slightly different, but for Australia, if you’re producing wind, by the time you put all the costs of capital involved and that’s from the wind generator, it might cost about 60 or $70 per megawatt hour. Solar would probably cost a bit more, about a hundred. But 60 or $70 isn’t that much more expensive than the cheapest form of sustainable power, which is with coal based, would be about the same amount.

Alan Moran:

So many people would draw off that and then say, “Well, this is obviously the future, and there’s no pollution involved” and we might want to talk about what pollution means here. And it’s going to get cheaper in the past. People have been saying that for 30 years since I’ve been involved in it, but the answer is that for some reason or another, it doesn’t quite cut the mustard that we have never come from a situation where these solar and wind resources are able to be produced and installed in any numbers without a subsidy.

Alan Moran:

And there’s a very good reason for that. Although you might be able to get wind at 60 or $70 per megawatt hour, which is fine, you get it A, from the factory, which is unlikely to be located in your backyard and B, you get it when the wind blows, not when you want it. So in order to actually bring that wind to factories, which produce goods to households which want heating and lighting, et cetera, you’ve got to spend a lot more money. And clearly one aspect of it is that, well, you’re only going to get the wind and solar when the suns shining and the winds blowing. So you’ve got to find out ways to, they call it firming that power by utilising other power to supplement it when it’s not available.

Malcolm Roberts:

So what you’re saying then is that with wind and solar, you still have to have other sources of power or storage devices. So that’s additional cost.

Alan Moran:

Right. Yeah. And not only that, but you talked about density before and because this is the less dense form of power, in other words, you think in terms of huge power stations, they pump out electricity and it then goes through the wires to the town and to the factories. This is far more dispersed as power. So there’s a lot more wires required. And I think this is graphically illustrated by the Labour parties policy in Australia, which is to say that they’re going to spend $20 billion of taxpayers money and another 70 billion or 60 billion in terms of private sector money to replace the grid. In other words, they call re-powering the future. So that grid today, the grid of tomorrow, which they envisioned would cost $80 billion. Now you can contrast that with the grid we have at present, which cost only $20 billion.

Alan Moran:

In other words, so you’re not only going to have this firming power, but you’re going to have a lot more poles and wires around the place to ensure it is delivered. And even then, you’re unlikely to ever have enough firming power to actually cope for situations where there are lengthy, what’s known as wind droughts. And these can go for weeks on end where there’s hardly any wind at all. And in that case you very quickly run out of any kind of [inaudible 00:28:56] that would be feasibly constructed batteries or pump hydro or whatever you quickly run out of that.

Alan Moran:

So you never get the degree of security. So it’s got the three strikes against it is A, you’ve got to firm it up. And that $50 very quickly becomes doubled or more, far more. And B, you’ve got to transport it to where people need it and that adds another 30 or 40%. So even before you started thinking about what the implications are for ensuring a hundred percent availability, which is what we have with fossil fuels and nuclear and hydro, you’re into a situation where the energy costs three or four times what it would cost under the previous systems or present systems of coal, oil, gas, et cetera.

Malcolm Roberts:

That’s startling. So can you just answer and explain to me please and our listeners, you said that you have to get the power from the power generation at the solar panels or the wind turbines to the industrial areas, to the residential areas. You’d have to do the same with coal and nuclear and hydro. Why is it so much greater for solar and wind?

Alan Moran:

Yeah. If you’ve got a hydro or station, it’s compact. The energy is produced in a compact way. You just send it down a wire. Whereas if it’s from a wind farm, you’ve got hundreds and hundreds of turbines you’ve got to actually link together and push that power into where it’s needed into the households and into the factories where it’s needed. Hence the reason why the consultants who did the report for the Labour party in Australia came to the conclusion that you would need four times the amount of transmission that we need with the present system.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you. That’s a great explanation. And firming is just backup power for wind, solar and wind are unavailable due to nature’s variability. So that’s an additional cost that, excuse me, coal, hydro, and nuclear don’t face. There’s also the matter of stability isn’t there? There, I think it’s called synchronous power. Coal, hydro, and nuclear have synchronous power. They’re very, very stable. Whereas solar and wind are highly unstable because they’re asynchronous.

Alan Moran:

Right. So you have to spend a lot more money in terms of the grid in terms of capacity and various devices along the grid to actually allow the operations of this electricity without installing the whole system. It’s a bit like an air block in a peshel pipe in the car. You’ve got to prevent against that. And that does cost quite a lot of money and is an additional cost which you have to incur through a wind rich system, which is not there with the systems which are mechanical systems, a lot of heavy electricity and they continue churning along. Even if you stop the coal, they continue churn along. Whereas the wind farms, as soon as the wind stops blowing, they virtually stop straight away.

Alan Moran:

So you have this system where you’ve got to discontinuity, an immediate discontinuity, and you have to spend a lot more money in terms of either supplementing that and the modern way I suppose is batteries or adjusting the way it’s transmitted in the system to allow that continuity. Because of course, if you lose a continuity in [inaudible 00:32:51] a blackout and it’s quite a serious event to actually reconnect.

Malcolm Roberts:

Especially in some industries like aluminous melting and the whole thing is ruined.

Alan Moran:

Yes. Yeah. Aluminous melters have worked the way towards allowing cessations of power for some time, usually about an hour before they totally seize up. But aluminous melters could not survive more than an hour or so without constant power.

Malcolm Roberts:

Let’s just summarise quickly the various costs. Hydro, my understanding is hydro’s the cheapest.

Alan Moran:

It is the cheapest, but hydro typically only works for about quarter of the time. It’s not necessarily like that if you’re in a country like Norway, basically it’s a lot of water and not many people. So the hydro is operating for about maybe 80% of the time. But in Australia, even if we hadn’t stopped doing more hydro, hydro would never supply more than about 10% of our electricity.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. I accept the unreliability, except in areas where there’s constant rain and there aren’t many areas like that in Australia. We’ve got high rainfall areas, but they’re not necessarily constant. So places like Quebec in Canada, Norway like you said. So hydro in a pure sense is the cheapest by far, but it’s not always suitable. And in Australia it may not be reliable.

Malcolm Roberts:

The next cheapest, as I understand it, overall is coal. Then the next cheapest is nuclear. And it’s interesting by the way, they now classify hydro as renewable. And it seems to me that’s done to pump up the amount of renewables, give people confidence that they’re coming when they’re not. So hydro, coal, nuclear, and then a long way behind comes solar and wind. Is that correct?

Alan Moran:

Yeah, I think hydro is a special case, at least in any country other than say Norway and some degree in New Zealand as well, which you’ve got immense resources of hydro compared to the population. Hydro is only ever going to be used intermittently, but is controllable. So you’d only use it when for peak periods. Basically, that’s what it’s designed for. But in Australian terms, coal electricity would be 50, say $50 per megawatt hour when you’re going to quantify all this.

Alan Moran:

Gas, well, it depends on what the price of gas is, but when the gas price, before it took off like mad in the last few months, gas would be about $70. Now it would be three or $400. Nuclear is always difficult to place because my reading of it, nuclear would be rather more than that, more like $80, but the price could come down and we might talk about that a little bit later.

Alan Moran:

But yes, solar, firmed solar to the main grid, to the main demand nodes, you’re probably talking about 150 and wind about 120, 130, 140. And that’s before you actually start talking about some of the issues which you mentioned in terms of stability where they do cost a lot more management to actually offset their inherent disadvantages in terms of abilities to supply things which are called reactive power, for example. Inability to do that cost a lot more. So you’re talking again about that kind of hierarchy of costs. Now in terms of the future… Sorry, yeah.

Malcolm Roberts:

So just summarising there, Alan. Coal, about $50 per megawatt hour. Gas around about 70 if you take away the current blip, but if we return to gas prices they were several months ago, then $70 per megawatt hour. Nuclear may be around $80 per megawatt hour, many variables. Solar wind, when they’re firmed, then they’re $150 per megawatt hour, which is three times the price of coal. And plus, on top of that, stability factors for managing their instability. What about storage? If we wanted to go to complete solar or even 70% solar and wind, wouldn’t we need to have mammoth storage capacity?

Alan Moran:

Oh yeah. Many more times the Snowy 2 proposal, which of course is a proposal which proposes-

Malcolm Roberts:

We can talk about that. We can talk about that later.

Alan Moran:

Yeah. The amount of stories from batteries… See, it would not even be conceivable to do it through batteries in the present technologies. Batteries can perform quite a useful task in a wind rich and solar rich environment which we have right now, but it’s just basically for seconds, rather than hours. Even the most comprehensive battery system you would conceive of in Australia, which would cost billions, hundreds of billions of dollars, even that would only give you a few hours supply if you were doing without fossil fuels and hydro, well, with some limited hydro and batteries, it would cost hundreds of billions of dollars, but that would only give you a buffer of about a couple of hours. So batteries aren’t a solution in the end for the so-called wind droughts, which can go for days.

Malcolm Roberts:

Right. And solar droughts that can go for days in the same way with heavy cloud cover. So not only is solar and wind three times the price of coal, it is highly unreliable and very insecure and very unstable. So what the hell are we doing?

Alan Moran:

Well, and this is the irony where some of the detractors of coal will say, “Oh, all the coal power stations broke down and that caused a problem.” The irony is that wind breaks down every minute. It sort of varies almost by the minute, certainly by the hour. And solar varies quite considerably during the day as a result of cloud cover and of course [inaudible 00:39:51] varies from possibly a hundred percent capacity factor to zero in the night times. So the reliability issue of the renewables is massively understated in terms of its dangers by its adherents.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, on TNT Radio, we are free to actually tell that truth because the only thing TNT Radio mandates is truth.

Alan Moran:

Right.

Malcolm Roberts:

So let’s go to an ad break. And when we come back, we’ll talk about the term pollution and we’ll talk about the cost so far to Australia and to Australians and families and businesses and jobs and employment of this mad swing to solar and wind. And we’ll talk about how much it will cost to continue to a hundred percent of world energy coming from solar and wind. It’s fundamentally impossible. We know that. But if we were to do it, it would cost a huge amount. So you’re on TNTradio.live with economist, internationally renowned economist, Dr. Alan Moran and this is Senator Malcolm Roberts. Stay right there, come right back in a minute or so and we’ll have more of this amazing economist telling us the truth about energy.

Malcolm Roberts:

Welcome back. This is Senator Malcolm Roberts with my guest, Dr. Alan Moran, internationally renowned economist. And we’re talking about energy, something that is really starting to come into people’s hearts and minds and lives and livelihoods these days. Alan, you raised the word pollution. Now in response, I would say two things. First of all, the word pollution comes to mean something like sulphur dioxide, nitrous oxides, particulates, toxins that impact life. Now, carbon dioxide is a trace gas essential for all life on this planet. And the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere does not affect climate. The level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere is not affected by humans. So carbon dioxide is in no way a pollutant. We do not control the level of it when we produce it at the levels we do produce, it’s nothing like a threat to us.

Malcolm Roberts:

In fact, the CSIRO’s climate science team when I’ve put them under a scrutiny under cross examination, they have admitted that they have never said that carbon dioxide from human activity is a danger and needs to be cut. They’ve never said it, yet politicians tell us it is. Politicians also say that this gas that they’re exhaling is supposed to be a pollutant. So koala bears are polluting our planet according to them. Am I on track with that definition of pollutant? Because the real pollution, the sulphur dioxides and nitrous oxides and particulates and others that used to come out of coal-fired power stations no longer do because they’re scrubbed out. We’re basically pollution free and all we’re producing from a coal-fired power station is water vapour and carbon dioxide, both essential for life on this planet. Am I right?

Alan Moran:

That’s right. We’ve sort of gone into new speak in terms of what is pollution. It used to be, as you say, carbon monoxide or sulphates or whatever, and it’s now shorthand, everybody says, “Oh, highly polluting fossil fuel stations.” Well, the only pollution, and it’s not pollution, of course, is you just said, it’s carbon dioxide emerging from them. And the levels of people saying that this is a dangerous pollution, well, it’s a trace gas, and we’re talking about 300 parts per million that is gone up to more than 400 parts per million, was a lower 300. It’s been-

Malcolm Roberts:

400 parts per million is just 0.04%. It’s 4/100 of 1%. It’s a trace gas because it’s bugger all of it.

Alan Moran:

Yeah. If there was like 10 times as much carbon dioxide in the atmosphere as there is now, you might start feeling a bit sleepy occasionally. Certainly that amounts people, some Mariners, for example, have that much carbon dioxide in their atmosphere and ships and appear operate, well, obviously operate successfully. It’s not a poison in that sense, in any conceivable amounts that it would reach or has reached in the past. The higher levels of carbon dioxide are associated with different climates.

Alan Moran:

Now whether the cause and the effects of this is debatable still. But it is argued that if carbon dioxide levels double in the atmosphere, which they may well do in the next a hundred years, that this will increase temperatures by about one degree Celsius and others then go on to argue that want to have a feedback of this through water vapour, then the temperatures could increase by more 2%, 3%, some even say 4% degrees. I’m talking Celsius.

Alan Moran:

All of which is said to be disadvantageous, although if you do the sums on that, you can’t really find any net disadvantage. And a lot of people would prefer to living in warmer climates than in colder climates, most people indeed. It is not a pollutant in that sense. The amount of additional carbon dioxide that could conceivably be put in the atmosphere is limited. And if there is a relationship between that and temperature, it’s a relationship that tails off with each increment until it becomes virtually zero.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, I know that professor Ian Plimer, wonderful geologist and award-winning geologist, an Australian who’s worked overseas, worked in many fields, knows his stuff, he said that when carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere, many millions of years ago, were five times what they are today. Instead of being 0.04%, they were 0.2%, that life flourished because carbon dioxide is a stimulant for life. It’s a fertiliser for plants and it’s essential for all animal and plant life on this planet. And the other thing, we don’t need to discuss this here because I’d like to move to another topic about carbon dioxide in regard to the environment, humans do not control the level. Some people have said, and I’ve cross-examined the CSIRO, they have never been able to provide me with any effect of carbon dioxide on climate.

Malcolm Roberts:

None at all. Not even temperature. None at all. And there isn’t any. But we’ve had an experiment twice now in recent years following the global financial crisis in 2008. 2009 was a major recession around the world because of the global financial crisis and there was less hydrocarbon fuel, coal, oil, natural gas used in 2009 then in 2008. And carbon dioxide levels in the atmosphere continued to increase, even though we had a massive cut in human production of carbon dioxide, which is what the UN wants and our governments want, but it had no impact on the level of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere.

Malcolm Roberts:

The next experiment was in 2020 when we had an almost depression around the world because of government COVID restrictions and the level of carbon dioxide produced by humans decreased dramatically due to reduced use of hydrocarbon fuels, coal, oil and natural gas. And what happened to the level of carbon dioxide and atmosphere? Continued increasing. So we have no effect on that and that’s what the science shows as well. But there is another aspect and that is recycling. A coal fired power station lasts what, 50 years. A nuclear power station, I don’t know how long that lasts, perhaps you could explain. A dam lasts for many, many decades. Solar and wind installations last for about 10 to 15 years under current technology and then they can’t be recycled. Is that correct?

Alan Moran:

Yeah. More or less. Certainly coal power stations last a minimum 50 years. Some of them last much longer than that. I don’t know how long nuclear lasts because they’ve not been around that long, but certainly 50 years. And as you say, the best you could expect from wind and solar would be 30 years, but more likely far less than that, more likely 20 years. And yeah, there are issues because the raw materials in which their base can’t just be recycled or can’t be added onto, they’re totally different [inaudible 00:50:47] so you got to get rid of them and dump them. And there are a lot of suggestions, well, more than suggestions, there’s a knowledge that they’ve got highly toxic ingredients, which certainly need to be carefully treated to avoid getting into the water supply and polluting the land generally.

Alan Moran:

As you say, there’s no pollution from nuclear or fossil fuel plants or virtually no pollution at all. So yes, there are huge costs of actually eradicating the materials, which are longer used. And actually, unfortunately it is around the world is there are no bonds required of wind farm, solar farms.

Malcolm Roberts:

Good point.

Alan Moran:

Whereas, if you want to open a mine anyway, you’re paying a bond up front for electrification and certainly-

Malcolm Roberts:

So could you explain what that bond is?

Alan Moran:

The bond basically says… The authorities say, well, you built a mine, you built a power station, whatever else. And when it’s finished and whatever it is year’s time, you basically got to rectify the land so that people don’t fall down shafts or people that don’t live on what may be some toxic materials. You post a bond. Basically, it’s a requirement. Sometimes it’s a cash requirement, but it’s always enforceable on the power station or the mine. As far as I know, anywhere in the world, there are no bonds on wind farms or solar farms. There’s certainly none in Australia. And so basically we are coming to a situation where these facilities, many of them are 20 years old now, will be required to be removed and stored and dismantled. And it’s not quite clear how that will be covered-

Malcolm Roberts:

That’s being kind, not quite clear.

Alan Moran:

[inaudible 00:53:00] problem.

Malcolm Roberts:

I was just saying that’s being very kind. It’s not quite clear how they’ll be recovered and reclaimed. They’ve got no idea. And there’s no responsibility. As you said, when a mine owner clears some land, he or she must pay a bond to the government and they get the bond back if they reclaim the land and they’re supposed to reclaim the land. And that’s fair enough. But there’s no such bond for solar and wind, which gives them even more an unfair advantage. So there are many unfair advantages and yet, despite that, despite the fact that the society gives them a crutch, solar and wind now account for 2% of the world’s energy after decades and claims of price reductions. We’ve got 2%. And that’s cost us, I’ve forgotten the figures, but it’s many billions of dollars, Alan.

Alan Moran:

Yeah. Well, we know how much it’s costing us in Australia and Germany. I think we’re talking trillions of dollars there. It’s costing us somewhere north of $10 billion a year, we’re spending every year in terms of the subsidies for wind and solar. And we have more than 2%, it’s more like 15% of supply in Australia. But it’s a colossal cost, which isn’t present in hydrocarbons, which of course, as you pointed out, are not only cheaper as a result, but more reliable.

Malcolm Roberts:

Right. And we are coming to the top of the hour and we’ll be having a break for the news and some advertisements, then we’ll be coming right back. So stay right here because Alan Moran will be back. We’ll continue the talk about energy. We’ll talk about the moral case for hydrocarbon fuels, coal, oil and natural gas and current policies. Because Dr. Moran, to give you an inclination, has done a comprehensive report on the cost of solar and wind. $13 billion a year additional costs. $1,300 for each family on average. $19 billion to the economy. And for every so-called solar and wind job, there are 2.3 jobs in the real economy that have been destroyed and lost.

Malcolm Roberts:

We’ll be right back after the news to hear more from this wonderful economist talking the facts and the truth accurately about something that is so important to human life, the primacy of energy.

Part 2

Speaker 1:

This is the Malcolm Roberts Show on today’s news talk radio, TNT.

Malcolm Roberts:

Welcome back. This is Senator Malcolm Roberts, and I’ve got my guest today, Dr. Alan Moran, an economist who specialises in understanding how governments waste money and what to do about stopping them from wasting money. And he’s a specialist on the cost of energy and the generation and supply of energy and its importance in society. Now, before the break, I mentioned four figures. The cost of subsidies and policies for solar and wind poses an additional $13 billion a year on the Australian economy. That’s the additional cost to our electricity sector, not the cost, the additional cost of solar and wind. That averages out at around $1,300 per household.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, Australia’s median income, perhaps Alan will correct me, but Australia’s median income, I understand, is about $49,000 a year. Half the people in Australia earn more than 49,000. Half earn less than 49,000. After tax, what’s that? Around, say, 39,000, $40,000. $1,300 a year is one hell of an impost to put on people earning less than $49,000 a year. The subsidies on solar and wind are a highly regressive tax. The poor are the ones who pay proportionately more for this government largess. And who benefits? Billionaires, Chinese multinationals, other multinationals, because we’re subsidising them to destroy our power sector with subsidies from solar and wind.

Malcolm Roberts:

Third figure, the additional cost to the economy is $19 billion a year. And I’ll ask Alan to explain these in a minute. And for every wind or solar job supposedly created, there are 2.3 jobs in the real economy lost. Australia has the highest level of subsidies for solar and wind in the world. Everywhere, as solar and wind subsidies increased, the price of electricity has increased dramatically. We have gone from being the lowest priced electricity in the world to the highest price. And in addition, the United States is the second. I think that’s correct, isn’t it, Alan? The United States has the second highest level of subsidies, and they’re half Australia’s levels. So, we are going crazy in this country supporting something that costs three times the cost of a coal fired power station to produce electricity. Solar and wind is three times the price. What the hell is happening, Alan?

Alan Moran:

Well, I mean, you can estimate those numbers a different way, but they’re certainly of that order. The actual costs that I’d estimate, the tax, the direct tax effects of the subsidies, is about $7 billion a year, but that has an effect in boosting the cost of electricity considerably, and perhaps to the level of 19 billion that you mentioned there. But whatever that taxes level was, the $19 billion has being demonstrated now to be a massive underestimate, because that was at a time when it was boosting the price of electricity from, say, it’s underlying value of $60, that’s a ex-generator, to something of the order of $100 ex-generator.

Alan Moran:

Well, since April of this year, well, right now, it’s 300, even though the market seems to have recovered. In other words, it’s three times as much as it was not long ago. And when we were in the crisis and the market was suspended, it was 10 times as much. Now, so, there’s issues about the subsidy as such, which is bad enough. You can figure what that is. But essentially, it’s poisoning the whole of the energy market. And repercussions of that is that the price goes shooting through the roof as a result. And I mean, not only is it hardship for individuals, indeed, it’s almost certain that in the next few months that the average price of electricity to households will double. I mean, it’s just the pure arithmetic.

Malcolm Roberts:

What?

Alan Moran:

They will double. The pure arithmetic is that the generation component is now three or four times what it was at Christmas time. That will have to pass through. There is no other way of doing it. It’s basically, here is the cost to the retailer, essentially, and that cost gets passed on to the consumer. So, they will do. This has already happened in the UK. UK doubled in 1st of June of this year as a result of these same factors. It will increase there again by another 50% in September. So, not only do we have this high cost imposed through the subsidies, which we all pay, but the subsidies are driving out the lowest cost available generation, which in our case is coal, and raising the aggregate price of electricity to astronomical levels, which are a real burden on the household in just of themselves, but then that burden is passed along the lines through it being incorporated in the goods and services we buy as well. So, we-

Malcolm Roberts:

So, let me just understand that. So, what you’re saying is that by themselves, the subsidies for solar and wind dramatically increase the price of electricity. I get that. But there’s an additional factor, and that is that solar and wind destroy the investment in coal. So, coal pulls out, which, because it’s the cheapest form, further raises the price of electricity.

Alan Moran:

Right. Well, I mean, basically, we first saw this in 2017 in Australia, with the loss of two major power stations, one in South Australia and one in Victoria. We saw then the price of electricity ratchet up by double. That’s with the ex-generators, which is a third of the total cost to the household, if you like. But we saw that cost double. And it came down because of COVID when we stopped using as much electricity, but with the recovery from COVID, we’ve now seen the prices escalate through the roof. And the reason is quite simple, because we’ve got subsidised renewables, which operate… The marginal cost of them is zero, more or less. We know that the cost of them is high, but the government subsidise them and sank costs in there. So, they will always make themselves available whenever they’re available at zero cost.

Alan Moran:

And that plays havoc with the economics of coal and gas, to some degree, and certainly uranium as well. And it’s forcing these into unprofitability. And when they’re unprofitable, they close. And when they close, the price shoots up again. And so you have this zigzag ratchet effect of the price of electricity going up and up and up as the poison in the system, which is the renewables, takes out the more efficient fossil fuel or nuclear plants and raises costs. And that’s happened. The nuclear plants, of course, are being taken out in the US and even in France, which has other problems with its nuclear plant, but even in France, and certainly Germany where the Greens are now in control and are closing nuclear as fast as they’re closing coal, in fact, faster than they’re closing coal. So-

Malcolm Roberts:

Germany’s actually opening coal.

Alan Moran:

They’re opening some new coal now, so they’re resurrecting coal. Actually, the irony is we can’t do that because when we closed ours, the state premiers arranged for them to be dynamited, which was just the most-

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah, crazy.

Alan Moran:

… criminal action you can imagine.

Malcolm Roberts:

Terrorism.

Alan Moran:

They’ll probably get away with it. But at least in Germany, being Germans, when they closed it on ideological grounds, they left the plant basically available to be resurrected. But yeah, so we’ve got these situations. It’s difficult to see the cost, the aggregate cost. I know there’s a McKinsey’s report came out recently saying, “Well, the cost of going net zero in Europe will be a 5% reduction in everyone’s incomes.” I mean, that seems much smaller than you would imagine given the fact, basically, that energy, as we’ve discussed, is so much a part of our ability to live comfortably and our ability to produce efficiently that if we are abolishing this low cost energy, which we’ve developed painstakingly over the last 100 years and replacing by a superior form of the wind that drove us until the middle of the 19th century, then we basically are going to be losing an awful lot more than that.

Alan Moran:

And we’ve got this malaise throughout the Western world. It’s hard to find a Western country which is bucking the trend. Certainly, President Trump’s America was at the time being, and certainly other countries are bucking it like India, like China, like Russia, like Indonesia. These countries basically pay lip service to the notions that the Western politically correct people require about the importance of renewables, but basically don’t know about it.

Speaker 4:

I’m learning how to choose the right audio apps for you.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, let’s have some idea of what it would cost to go 100% solar and wind. Because can you recall, I can’t recall it, the number of billions of dollars or tens of billions of dollars that it has cost to get 2% of the world’s energy onto solar and wind? Do you know that figure?

Alan Moran:

Well, I think there’s a trillion dollar actually being mentioned, but that may have just been Europe. So, it’s probably a bit more than that. And the Germans have higher proportion of wind and solar than we do, a little bit higher anyway now. As you say, we have spent more per capita than anybody else. It’s difficult to know. It’s difficult to disaggregate what the taxes are because there are different local taxes and federal tax. It’s difficult enough in Australia for the work which you’ve cited before, where you’ve got to find out how much state governments are paying, how much federal governments are paying and that some of them aren’t. Obviously, they’re not just from the government budgets, they’re from the regulatory budgets. And the governments make it very difficult to actually estimate those sorts of numbers. Although, I’m sure they’re known internally how much they would be, they don’t publish them. They used to, actually. They used to publish back 15 years ago how much was being spent to assist renewables, but it became less fashionable once the cost became apparent.

Malcolm Roberts:

Oh, that was the other figure from that report too. Governments are telling us that the proportion of our electricity bill that we can attribute to solar and wind is just six and half percent. In fact, government’s own figures, state and federal, show it’s 39% of a power bill. So, we can lop off 40%, basically, off our power bill if we stop these stupid subsidies that are just killing our industry. So, let me tell everyone a story. This is a true story. Pauline Hanson, Senator Pauline Hanson, and I received phone calls from some farmers living in the valley of Neera Creek near Kilcoy, which is not far from Brisbane. And Neera Creek, the water flows into Brisbane River, which flows into Wivenhoe Dam, which is a storage for water that goes to two and a half million people in Southeastern Queensland, including all Brisbane people.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, Neera Creek, we got the call because farmers there were upset that the Chinese appeared to be convincing the state government, the state Labour government, to convert the area into a solar complex. I won’t call it a solar farm because that’s a cute term. That’s why they’ve used it. Solar and wind pushers are using the term “farm.” It’s a solar industrial complex. Neera Valley, Neera Creek, has very good agricultural land, tillable land for crops in the valley floor. On the lower slopes, prime beef country. They wanted to build the biggest solar industrial complex in the Southern hemisphere and possibly the world. There’d be 10 kilometres of a hillside completely covered in solar panels.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, think of the consequences. The farmers there know that in flooding, the solar panels in the lower parts of the valley would be seven metres underwater. We know that there are carcinogens coming off solar panels. I think it’s cadmium and two other toxins, and also lead. So, this water, and then this whole area is under threat from hail storms. And so what would happen is we would have these carcinogens going into Neera Creek, going into the Brisbane River, into Wivenhoe Dam and throughout Southeast Queensland, into drinking water. So, that’s the first impact. The second impact, sterilising wonderful land, increasing the erosion of top soil. The third aspect is that we users of electricity in Queensland would subsidise the Chinese. And I’ve got nothing against the Chinese. They’re savvy business people. We’re the mugs with voting the governments in that we’ve got. We would be subsidising the Chinese to instal these solar panels in Neera Valley.

Malcolm Roberts:

That would then raise the price of electricity in Queensland. That would then shut some manufacturing facilities. It would impact the livelihoods of many Australians. It even has stopped the pumping of water in agricultural land. So in a drought, there were some farmers in Central and Southern Queensland saying that they would not be planting fodder crops because of the price of pumping water due to electricity prices. Then it goes on. We take our coal, which is the best in the world, and we can’t burn it here because of the green policies, but we can export it to China. So it goes over land, then it goes over the sea thousands of kilometres, then over to China, then over land again to a power station in China. The Chinese use coal, and they produce nine times the amount of coal Australia produces. We produce 500 million. The Chinese produce 4.5 billion tonnes of coal a year, nine times what we produce.

Malcolm Roberts:

When they import our coal, they feed it into power stations and they produce coal reportedly at eight cents a kilowatt hour, and that’s what they sell it for. Australia sells it for 25 cents a kilowatt hour. So, the largest cost component of manufacturing used to be labour. It is now electricity because we’re using machines that use electricity instead of humans in manufacturing a lot. So, that means we are destroying our manufacturing sector and that goes to China. So, we dig up our coal and send it to China to make solar panels. We dig up our coal and send it to China to make wind turbines. They ship it back here. We pay them subsidies to do so. Then we pay some Chinese companies and other multinationals subsidies to run this, to destroy our energy sector. This is insane, Alan.

Alan Moran:

Yeah. And we’re seeing the results of this in terms of the closure of many parts of manufacturing, et cetera, and in terms of some of the costs of living which we’re seeing. The interesting thing we’re seeing in Australia at the present time, we had a wages case where the Commonwealth government advocated a 5% increase in wages. Fair enough, because prices have gone up. Well, why have prices gone up 5%? Well, they’ve gone up 5% because of the energy crisis which we’ve created, and that’s only the first instalment, 5%, by the way, which has resulted in these high costs.

Alan Moran:

There’s an interesting comparison of that with Europe, which has got lots of strikes. I think there’s a rail strike in the UK now, but lots of strikes breaking out in the EU and in the UK, because basically they’re facing a situation where the energy crisis has resulted in prices increasing at about 8%, whereas wages have only increased at 2%. Why have wages only increased at 2%? Well, because that’s all that can be afforded in terms of the productivity. The costs, and therefore the productivity of European industry, has dropped about 8% over the past year as a result of this energy crisis. And it will go down even further, as will ours. So, there’s an impasse occurring where politicians, populous politicians, and nothing wrong with politicians, as you know, but-

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, I disagree with you. There’s a lot wrong with the bastards.

Alan Moran:

But politicians say, “Well, it’s unfair. It’s unfair that people should be forced to actually have their living standards reduced.” But the fact of the matter is is that living standards depend on productivity. And if your productivity goes down, so do your living standards. It’s just a law of gravity which is not possible to counter in any sense. So, we have a situation where we have purposely reduced the living standards in Australia, and in other developed countries as well, by adopting inefficient forms of energy. As a result of the Ukraine crisis, this has come to a head. It’s not caused by the Ukraine crisis, by the way, but it brought it to a head because it actually highlighted the deficiencies that we have in the economies. It’s brought it to a head and therefore then we can see that we are less well off now.

Alan Moran:

As a result of that, people are unhappy. They don’t understand why we’re less well off. Politicians told them the new world, we’re in this energy transition towards renewable energy away from the old stuff, and it’ll be great for us all. Well, wait a minute. It’s not. We’re losing a lot of dough. We’re losing productivity. If we lose productivity, your wages have to go down. There’s no alternative. So, we are facing this sort of crisis right now. And one of the answers to this is, “Oh, right, well, we’ve got to power ahead with the renewables.” And that’s a refrain we’re seeing in Australia, in the US, and in Europe. Well, this is what’s caused the problem in the first place and yet we’re going to actually double down on this problem. Essentially, the renewables have caused us to lose a lot of productivity by… It’s replaced with high prices. And we’re actually going to do more of those. It’s just crazy. And we are going to see further living standard falls as a result.

Malcolm Roberts:

I love your forthrightness. There’s one other thing that we’ll mention before going to a break, and that is that this is immoral because what’s happening is that in the developed nations, the UN basically is discouraging the use of hydrocarbon fuels. That means people have to keep burning dung, which is a heavy pollutant and a health hazard, or do without electricity, or have very expensive solar and wind, which is basically doing without electricity because they’re so unreliable.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, this is stopping humans in undeveloped countries or third world countries from actually enjoying what we used to enjoy. This is inhuman. It goes against the environment. It is destruction. It is anti-civilization, anti-environment, anti-human, and it’s all fed by deceit. When we come back, we will talk further about these matters with Alan Moran and then get onto some solutions, because this man has got some solutions. So, we’ll be right back. Stay with us. Hear from us again in a minute.

Speaker 1:

Telling the truth is the only mandate we believe in. Today’s news talk radio, TNT.

Malcolm Roberts:

This is Senator Malcolm Roberts with outstanding, internationally renowned economist Dr. Alan Moran. We’re discussing something very important for human progress, and that is the price of energy. The advertisement we just heard said, “It’s criminal to waste energy.” Alan, I would suggest it’s also criminal to destroy energy, which is what’s going on. The biggest factor in the last 170 years of unparalleled, unprecedented human progress, material, health, longevity of life, ease, comfort, security, safety, the biggest factor driving that dramatic improvement in 170 years, we were scratching around in the dirt, having being subjected to nature’s vagaries, being subjected to famines, and in the last 170 years, we’ve basically become free of that, we have been liberated, we have enormous standard of living improvements, unprecedented, and that was due to the ever decreasing real prices of energy, because that increased productivity, as you so eloquently said, that increased our prosperity, increased wealth, as you said, for everyone. And now we are reversing that with criminal, dishonest, deceitful political policies. Is that correct?

Alan Moran:

Yeah, it is. The politicians, in some respects, are leading this, but in most respects, as often happens in politics, they’re following others. And there is an ideology which is being developed through the institutions and whatever, through education institutions, that coal is bad and wind is good and that wind is cheap. And your very good friend from CSIRO produced a lot of material which purports to prove this. And when you actually ask them then, “Do you now support then the emasculation and prevention of all subsidies for wind?” they sort of hum and haw and look at their feet, in fact. So, they obviously know that’s untrue, but they hope that in future, it might be true.

Alan Moran:

And then there’s a whole lot of people who gain from this because they’re wind farm developers or whatever else, and they want the subsidies as well. And so you’ve got a mass psychosis. If you look at the last election in Australia, you call yourselves the Freedom Parties, but the Freedom Parties probably only got about 12% of the vote. We’re talking about Senate here. The Liberal Party maybe supports half of them, maybe support that, Liberals and Nationals. But you can come to a situation where 70% of people voted for, in some cases, we have this phenomenon of the Teals and the Greens, voted for an intensification of the eradication of fossil fuels, of hydrocarbons.

Alan Moran:

So with the politicians, basically, most of them were just led by the nose. There are very few political leaders in the country, and obviously you’re one, who basically call it out. The rest of them just give back what people want. And we’re seeing then, as a result of that, these very high prices which have come to a head this half year. And people are saying, “Well, that’s only a blip. The prices are going to come down.” Well, they won’t. They’ll come down from the $15,000 a megawatt hour from the $50, $15,000 a megawatt hour until recently. And then they were controlled at 300. But since they’ve become uncontrolled the last day or so, the price has stayed at $200 a megawatt hour.

Alan Moran:

Well, why is that? Well, basically, because we’ve not been investing in power stations because governments haven’t allowed it. They haven’t allowed access to new coal resources for power stations. They certainly have encouraged the attack on fossil fuels, which has come through the environmental, social governance kind of rules within finance capital. They certainly haven’t protected mines from depredations from activists. And essentially what we’ve seen is a slow down and decline and a reduction in the capital base of these very efficient producers of energy with the cataclysmic consequences we’re now seeing.

Malcolm Roberts:

And let’s go back to something you said a minute ago, people who gain from this distortion, this criminal activity. It was reported that Peabody Energy company used to be, and I think it still is, the world’s largest public company producing coal. I mean, the Indian government may produce more. It’s a state owned industry there, horribly inefficient, but it produces more. And other organisations, state owned, may produce more. But Peabody was the largest public company, privately owned, if you like, non-government. When Obama was in power, as the president, the Democratic Party really put a lot of pressure on Obama to talk down coal, to really badmouth coal. And it’s said that George Soros owns the Democratic Party. It’s basically his little puppy. It does what he says.

Malcolm Roberts:

Obama dutifully talked down coal because he said it would be banned. Basically, it would be. And the Department of Energy in the United States came up with the policies to destroy the use of coal. Such was the talk that Peabody Energy company shares went from $1,100 to 15. That’s a 98% drop. Guess who bought significant chunk of Peabody shares? George Soros became a very large shareholder in Peabody Energy company. Why would George Soros do that? This is his standard practise. It’s been reported many times that he drives down through deceit the value of an industry. And he goes in invests heavily and waits for it to come back up again. The international energy agencies, other forecasts, show that there will be dramatic increases in the use of coal in future. China is trying to make massive increases in coal production. It’s already producing nine times what Australia produces. Indonesia, to our north, produces more, sorry, exports more coal than Australia does now. It’s the world’s leading exporter of coal.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, what we’re doing is we’re destroying the crucible of human progress, and we’ve turned parasitic malinvestments in solar and wind into the destroyers of our economy. The cost of electricity is now prohibitive and hurting families, and it’ll go up higher, Dr. Moran says. It’s destroying industry. Alan Moran has already said that. Manufacturing jobs are being exported. De-industrialization means no future for Australia and no industrial security, no defence security. We don’t make our own defence provisions. It’s destroying agriculture. And then on top of that, these dopey politicians are now saying, “We want to transfer our transport fleet of cars and trucks to electricity.” So, that will add even more demand to electricity. And as we go further into solar and wind, it will destroy… So, we’ll get less production of electricity. So, with less production and doubling of demand due to the conversion of our transport fleet, what will that do to prices?

Alan Moran:

Obviously, it’ll increase them more. I mean, you opened up by talking about Obama. And I think when he first got elected, he said something like, “Now is the time when the oceans stop rising, when the wildfires have ceased and blah, blah, blah, blah, blah.” And he also said, “Look, I won’t stop anybody investing in coal, but if you do invest in coal, you’re an idiot because the policies I have in place will kill coal as we move to this brand new world of solar and wind.” And indeed, in the Present Biden government, Granholm, I think, the Energy Minister, is saying the same sort of thing still.

Alan Moran:

So yeah, I don’t know to what degree Soros is the instigator of all this. Certainly, there are many people who would make money out of it. And certainly, that issue of the collapse in price for coal as a result of government statements is true. And one of the things, an interesting figure coming through in the last few days, is just the level of investment in gas and oil over the past four years is now one third of what it was in 2015 when, if you like, the madness came to a head with the Paris Agreement now on allegedly seeking or seeking-

Malcolm Roberts:

True.

Alan Moran:

… reductions in emission levels, and therefore the abolition of coal to some gas and oil. So, all of these things are self-inflicted. Certainly, there’s issues in the developed world. Some of them have been harassed to actually reduce their own emissions through aid, et cetera. Others, who are smarter, and you mentioned Indonesia, India, China, Vietnam, these are just sailing forward, paying lip service to the politically correct people but then building new coal power stations and gas stations and nuclear stations too. So, the smarter heads in the third world are taking advantage of the market opportunities, if you like, caused by the developing world increasing, purposely increasing, its own costs and industries migrating there. China has about 55% of the world’s steel production, coming on for 50% of aluminium, et cetera. All of this is because basically they have adopted sensible power policies in a context when the West has been retreating from those.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. And we see the absurdity of now subsidising electric vehicles, again, with a very troubling high use of resources. Electric vehicles are so much more expensive than petrol or diesel powered vehicles, simply because of their extraordinary appetite for natural resources, expensive materials, expensive metals, exotic minerals, earth, rare earths. But we also see the environmental legacy of their batteries. So, we are going in entirely the wrong direction for the environment. We are going entirely in the wrong direction for productivity because we’re feeding parasitic malinvestments. I think that was a term you coined once, Dr. Moran, parasitic malinvestments. And the instigator, I wasn’t accusing George Soros of being the instigator of this rubbish, I lay the blame firmly at the hands of Maurice Strong from the United Nations. He died in 2015, just before the Paris Agreement was signed. But that man caused all of this.

Malcolm Roberts:

He’s the granddaddy of climate change, the false claims on climate. He was the granddaddy of centralising a lot of the bureaucracy based upon UN policies. That’s the man who did it. Soros and other billionaires are just taking advantage of it. And it’s significant again that it’s the people who are paying. The people who are paying with loss of jobs, exported to China, with increased costs for families, increased cost for small business. And who do they pay it to? Because of the wealth transfer, it gets paid to billionaires who are benefiting from subsidies. It gets paid to Chinese and other multinationals who are benefiting from subsidies. So, we’re wrecking our economy, and we’re paying others to do it. And we’ve got billionaires in Australia and overseas who are making money out of this. That is theft. It’s fraud, because they’re presenting something as it is not for personal gain. There is no need to do this, and yet they’re doing it. So, let’s get onto some solutions. Well, before we go onto the solutions, tell us about the national electricity market, please, Alan.

Alan Moran:

Well, it’s a market which is based on trying to incentivize. It was developed about 25 years ago now, and I had something to do with it in its early days. It’s essentially to say, well, why don’t we have a situation where we inject competition? We have lots of different generators. In those days there was no wind or solar, but there were probably 50, no, more than that, 70 generation units there. Why don’t we get these bidding in how much they’re prepared to give, at different price bands, and the market cleared? It’s just the same way as happens in every other market, aluminium markets, or cotton markets, grain markets, et cetera. And it worked very well. It brought a massive reduction in prices. Partly this was also because there was quite a degree of privatisation at that time, not so much in your state of Queensland, but elsewhere around Australia. And that replaced what were essentially union controlled plants with massive overmanning by shareholder controlled plants which sought to reduce costs and increase profitability.

Alan Moran:

So, we had a situation where it worked very well. The lights stayed on. Prices fluctuated quite strongly, as they’re supposed to fluctuate strongly, but then the retailers took out contracts for different licks of power to ensure that they had insurance against this. So, we saw a massive reduction in the cost of generation in Australia, about a 50% reduction as soon as the market came into operation. And shortly afterwards, of course, the madness started, first of all by John Howard, actually, introducing a renewable requirement, which was progressively jacked up by Rudd. And Tony Abbott tried to stop it. The previous government tried to stop it as well or did something to arrest it, but essentially it ploughed its way forward until we now have 15 or 20% of our supply by this exorbitantly subsidised inefficient renewable power which has undermined the national market.

Alan Moran:

So, what happened then when this came to a head, well, this half year is suddenly, nobody had been investing in coal and we’d been disinvesting in coal. There were no incentives to do so, and, in fact, every incentive not to do so. And so once we started getting back to a reasonable degree of normality post-COVID, the price shot up. And indeed, it shot up all over the world. The gas price, because state governments, with the exception of Queensland, haven’t allowed firms to go exploring for gas, so we’re short of gas as well. They’ve put all sorts of impediments into new coal plants, not only especially domestic, but even international coal plant. We had the experience of Adani mining coal in Australia, selling it to India. It took 10 years to actually get approvals and massive increases in costs required of them.

Alan Moran:

So we are, we’re sort of tying our hands behind our backs and trying to walk forward in that way. And the upshot of once a price bubble started rising globally, we were caught in it. We haven’t developed enough gas locally, so the price of gas went up. The irony, one irony amongst many, is the Victorian Energy Minister started demanding that Queensland gas be sent south to Victoria. Whereas, when the Victorians don’t commit to any gas development whatsoever and the Queensland gas is pretty well fully acquitted in terms of contracts for supply. So this is some of the craziness, some of the stupidity we have of the people who have been elected to parliament and are running the place. So, that’s the national market. There’s nothing wrong with it, nothing wrong with the concept of it, but it can get poisoned by subsidies on some sorts of fuel which affect others.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, yeah.

Alan Moran:

And people are now looking for ways out of that.

Malcolm Roberts:

Let’s have a debate one day on this, a discussion about the privatisation and about the markets for energy, because I’m a firm believer in competition, it’s excellent, and a firm believer in getting government out, but not where there’s a monopoly. And essentially in water supply, some transport corridors, and some transport facilities like ports, and also some energy sources and energy networks, they can only be one of them. They can’t duplicate them to have real competition. So, that means we’d be giving that to a monopoly. And then we know what happens in monopolies. But your point is, so putting that aside, I’ll just invite you back for a debate one day on that, or a discussion on that, Alan, I know your views are privatisation is good. My belief, and I’m not asking you to comment on this because we need to go to an ad break, and we’ll come back and deal with the solution, so you’ve got some solutions in mind, the national electricity market has been completely destroyed because politics and bureaucrats interfere.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, it’s no longer a market. It’s a racket. It’s a national electricity racket. And what we’ve seen is that government has become the agency for wealth transfer. Citizens of this country have been duped into transferring their wealth through subsidies to millionaires and billionaires in this country. And politicians have become wealth destroyers. Government should be the crucible, create the environment in which people create wealth. What the government’s policies are doing now is increasingly destroying wealth and transferring it to billionaires. So, this is Senator Malcolm Roberts. I’ve got a wonderful guest on with Alan Moran. We’ll be back to hear the solutions from Dr. Moran as to what’s needed to put our energy sector back on track.

Announcer:

This is today’s news talk and the voice of freedom, TNT Radio.

Malcolm Roberts:

Welcome back. This is Senator Malcolm Roberts, and my guest is Dr. Alan Moran, economist. Alan, what are the solutions? Over to you. I’ve handed you-

Alan Moran:

Well-

Malcolm Roberts:

… a hospital pass here.

Alan Moran:

… thanks very much. The solutions? I’ll tell you what aren’t the solutions first off. I mean, one has been highlighted, one possible solution is that we’ve got to double down on renewables. In fact, we heard this in the Australian newspaper. Rod Sims, who used to be head of the regulator, the ACCC in Australia, a corporate regulator, talking about, “We need a carbon tax.” I mean, basically, either he wasn’t aware that we do have a carbon tax, not a very efficient one, but it’s a tax on coal and gas, which is the corollary and the subsidies we give to the carbon-free wind and solar.

Alan Moran:

So, we have a carbon tax already. I don’t know how much he wanted that tax to be. He didn’t specify it, but certainly there’s some estimates of what a carbon tax would need to be to get to net zero, one from the New Zealand Productivity Commission which was something like of the order of 160, $170 per tonne of CO2, which would be a fivefold increase in the price for electricity. So, that’s one estimate of it. There are other estimates. They’re all around that same sort of level. So, carbon taxes are ridiculous. Basically, it’s pouring oil on the troubled waters.

Alan Moran:

Others have come around. A modern one is talking about, “Well, we need a capacity market.” So, we need a market which gives specific payment to coal and to gas and to water to be available when the sun isn’t shining. So, we give them a top-up in terms of their ability to earn income. Of course, that’s complicated straight away by socialist ministers, like the minister in Victoria saying, “Well, we’re not going to give that to coal or to gas or whatever.” So, it makes it absolutely ridiculous if you don’t give it to coal and gas.

Alan Moran:

But the other thing about a capacity market is another distortion. It is the regulator coming in saying how much capacity is needed, remunerating people that way. And we’ve got capacity markets around the world. UK’s got a capacity market. It hasn’t stopped half the retailers going bankrupt. It hasn’t stopped the price of electricity to the consumer doubling. So, I mean, you don’t need a capacity market. You basically need retailers to ensure that they have supplies available. And that’s the way our present market should operate and has been operating until it became unworkable once we subsidised so many renewables in there. So, that’s a couple of solutions.

Alan Moran:

Another one, oh, a great idea, lets ban exports of gas and of coal and redirect them to the domestic market. Well, that’s like saying to firms, “Well, you went and developed this productive capacity and you got some contracts from China and Japan and India or wherever else. Now we’re going to just stop you selling that and you’re going to have to sell it to the domestic market,” presumably at a cheaper price. Well, that’s a great way to go forward in terms of a sovereign risk placed on any investments and thereby undermining the investments, putting a greater premium on them.

Alan Moran:

So, the simple solutions don’t work like that. The only solution you can do is basically we have to get away from subsidising all power, all power or, in fact, almost everything. We have to get away with saying, “Those subsidies end now. End now.” But that is not going to be a quick fix because the subsidies have taken 15 years of subsidies before they actually undermined the market. And they won’t be wound down, or their detrimental effects won’t be wound down quickly. They will gradually be wound down. Say, if we stop all subsidies, then there will be no more renewables built. Believe me, there will be no renewables built if there are no subsidies.

Alan Moran:

We also have to pair that with certain aspects like forbidding firms to discriminate. We have a situation where banks and insurance companies will not give cover, will not give funding to selective sorts of investments in terms of coal, oil, and gas. And ironically, it reduces availability of investment to financial resources in China, of all places, and India, which makes it more difficult to actually maintain and to develop new capacities. But we have to then warn firms that they must not discriminate against certain sorts of legitimate customers, and we do that generally throughout the economy, and there’s nothing wrong with that.

Alan Moran:

We have to ensure that we’ve stopped any planning, reverse planning decisions, which have made it very difficult to actually get stuff off the ground. I mentioned Adani had taken 10 years getting off the ground. Others are taking just as long. The gas developments in Queensland and Northern New South Wales are taking an awful long time. Because we have planning courts, which have been staffed by activists, and they hear advice from other activists who say, “If we develop more coal here, then it’ll add to global pollution of carbon dioxide. So, you’ve got to stop it,” and all that. That eventually gets quashed, but it all takes a long time to work its way through the courts. So, we have to stop doing that. We need political leadership above all. We need men and women who understand the politics, who understand the economics of this to start coming forward and saying, “This is just crazy. This is just crazy. We can’t do this. This is being caused by these actions. We’ve got to stop doing it.” And we need to actually reduce any other legislative barriers. We’ve mentioned nuclear.

Alan Moran:

I mean, I’m not sure how remunerative nuclear would be in Australia. Probably not very much at the moment. But we certainly ought to stop people from preventing nuclear developments. It’s just about the safest source of power. It’s been demonised by various adverse effects in Ukraine and difficulties that it sometimes does. But if you look at numbers of fatalities per units of energy, it’s massively less than coal, even, certainly less than hydroelectricity, all of which have faced disasters from time to time. So, these are the measures we’ve got to do to get back on track. We’ve got to actually get rid of all the regulations and encourage the most cheapest form and most reliable forms of electricity rather than discourage them.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, that’s a very comprehensive list. So, let me just go through them. What you’re basically saying is to start telling the truth, politicians start telling the truth. Stop policies that are pushing towards UN 2050 net zero, and put policies in place for our Australian nation. Stop subsidising solar and wind. Stop market distortions, and, for example, capacity markets. Stop the bureaucratic interference that has destroyed the national electricity market. Stop subsidising solar and wind. Stop subsidising electric vehicles. Ban discrimination of finance on political grounds. Reverse planning decisions that are impeding projects. What you’re really saying is get government the hell out of industry, decrease legislative burden, and remove regulations, restore our sovereignty, economic sovereignty, and find political leadership.

Malcolm Roberts:

And, Dr. Moran, that’s a wonderful list. I was very keen. I am sincere in saying, let’s have you back for a debate on privatisation, and I can see the benefits. But I would like to thank you very much for coming on today, being so frank and forthright, sharing your knowledge, sharing your experience with government. You know the evils of government. You know the need for some sensible regulation. We’ve got about 20 seconds. Is there anything you would like to say in terms of how people can contact you, or your books?

Alan Moran:

Well, my website is Regulation Economics. I’ve got a lot of material on there on-

Malcolm Roberts:

Regulationeconomics.com. Is it regulationeconomics.-

Alan Moran:

.com, yeah.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you very much, Alan.

I joined Chris for another episode of the independent, unfiltered Primodcast for a thrilling conversation on all the things mainstream media won’t cover.

Click here to listen on your preferred podcast platform.

Transcript

Chris Spicer:

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Speaker 2:

Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, podcasting, podcasting from Sydney, Australia, this is The Prime Modcast. Independent, unfiltered, and uncensored, beginning in three, three, two, two, one, one.

Speaker 3:

This meeting is being recorded.

Chris Spicer:

Nice. Got it. Senator Malcolm Roberts, thank you for joining me again. Third time.

Malcolm Roberts:

Third time. Third time lucky, eh?

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, you’re-

Malcolm Roberts:

No, you’re welcome. Always a pleasure, Chris. I enjoy talking with you.

Chris Spicer:

Mate, it’s great. It’s always good and very enlightening. And, mate, I get terrific feedback every time. So, you’re practically a co-host at this point, with three times.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah.

Chris Spicer:

What’s been happening, mate?

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, we’ve seen the people have made their decision in the election last week. A lot of people are very disappointed by it, but that’s the way democracy works. Suck it up and just live with it because they’ve made their decision. Some interesting facts, though, Chris, as you probably realise, I think this is the first time we’ve had a government that’s been elected with less than a third of the people voting for it. So, more than two thirds of the people did not vote for the Labor Party. I think this is the first time, certainly first time in a long time, that… I’m sure it must be the first time, but I can’t say that for sure because I haven’t checked, but it must be the first time ever that both the old tired old parties, Liberal Party, Labor Party, have got less than 32%, less than a third of the vote. So, oh, hang on, the Liberals might be just above a third.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, what we’ve seen, a very positive sign, is we’ve seen an enormous swing away from the Liberal, Labor, Nationals club. And that’s the duopoly. We’ve talked about that in the past. There’s no difference between the two parties. They both push the UN agenda. We saw a startling admission during the election campaign. Both Anthony Albanese and Scott Morrison, when asked about the UN’s World Health Organization’s International Health Orders/Regulations being changed to become coercive and take control over a country’s health system, intrude in it, they both said they were in favour of giving the World Health Organisation more power. Yet Morrison said at the start of this virus we needed to hold them accountable. And then he changed his mind very, very quickly, and he said, no, he wants to give the World Health Organisation more power. I think he said that in about April 2020.

Malcolm Roberts:

So I mean, these people are allowing the UN, if the UN comes up with this this year, this week, they will allow the UN to have more power over us. The other message that I think that came through from the election is that the Teals got a very focused campaign. They focused on just a handful of seats. They focus on Liberal seats. Fortunately, they were woke Liberals, so we haven’t lost anything by them going to the Teals. But they’re just a closet pro-Labor group. They’re funded, driven by a billionaire who is making a lot of money out of renewable energy, what I call unreliables. So, there’s something in it for him, by the look of it. So, they’re just masquerading as climate warriors.

Malcolm Roberts:

The Greens got an increase in vote as well. But both of those parties didn’t say anything concrete, didn’t say anything negative. They just silently went through playing TikTok videos and all the rest of it. I mean, complete crap. And I think what happened was people said, “We’ve had enough of two years negativity.” So, when we were pointing out messages… Our vote went up, by the way. We’re now the largest freedom party in the country by quite a way.

Chris Spicer:

Well done.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. And it looks like we might get four, possibly five senators. So, it all depends, but that’s a very good result. Yeah. The other thing is that these people went through, the Greens and the Teals went through, basically just skated through without saying anything controversial, nothing specific. They locked down their senators. All the Greens’ senators were stopped from talking. Lidia Thorpe escaped for one session, I think, and embarrassed herself. So, they locked her up again. And… what’s her name? … Mehreen Faruqi did the same. But the Greens have shut up, and all they’ve done is relied upon what I would call immature videos and just emotions. And I think that reflects that people have had enough of negativity and they just want something clear. So, they’re not going to get anything, but that’s what basically won.

Chris Spicer:

Do you think it was more of a vote against Morrison than a vote for the other parties? Because it almost seems to me like it could be the fact that they didn’t want to vote for Morrison, but they didn’t really know who to vote for. Do you think that’s likely?

Malcolm Roberts:

I think you’ve nailed it. I said throughout the election campaign, Morrison’s best asset is Albanese, and Albanese’s best asset is Morrison. They’re both woeful. The Labor Party is pathetically weak and they’re deceitfully dishonest. What was I going to say there? Morrison failed completely because people started waking up to him being a liar. I don’t know if we discussed this topic last time, but he repeatedly said day in, day out for a couple of weeks there, “There are no vaccine mandates in Australia.” That is a complete lie. Everywhere I went, I would just turn the microphone over to the audience and say, “What do you think of that statement?” And they’d be yelling out, “Liar! Bastard!” this kind of stuff.

Malcolm Roberts:

But if you look at what Morrison did, while he was saying that, he bought 280 million doses of the injections. That’s 11 each. He then indemnified the states. He then said to the states, oh, sorry, the state premier said the decision that they made at the states to mandate the injections was in line with the federal, sorry, with the National Cabinet. Now, the National Cabinet is not constitutional. It’s just concocted. But who leads the National Cabinet? Who formed it? Who leads it? Who chairs it? It’s Scott Morrison. And then you see there’s something else that’s crucial. You cannot have these injection mandates enforced without the knowledge that whether or not someone is injected. And that data comes from the Australian Immunisation Register, which is a Federal Health Department. So, the Federal Health Department made it possible.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, Morrison bought the vaccines, bought the injections, spread the injections, led the cabinet that decided on the injections, and then enabled the injections to go ahead. Plus, his party, with a few exceptions, no exceptions from the Labor Party, but just a few Liberals excepted, they opposed the bill that I introduced, Pauline’s bill that I introduced into the Senate to outlaw discrimination based on injection status. And then the same parties, led by Scott Morrison, denied us even sending it to a committee. Labor, Liberal, Nationals, Greens all stopped us sending it to a committee so that you and the other people of Australia couldn’t have their say.

Malcolm Roberts:

And then you look further, Chris, and this bloody liar, he then… You see the Defence Department. Some people in Defence are mandated. Australian Electoral Commission is mandated, and they’re having trouble getting sufficient volunteers to run the election properly. Border Force is mandated, aged care is mandated. So, they’re actually going against the constitution mandating these things. So, you make up your mind. I’ve made up my mind. Morrison was a dead set liar. And people woke up to him. They woke up to him, and that’s why they punished him. Because the Liberal Party has plummeted down to, what, 50 something seats, isn’t it?

Chris Spicer:

Yeah. Well, they were annihilated, and I think it’s a lot of that. Well, the Liberal Party, to me, yeah, they’ve gone too far left with a lot of their policies and what they’ve done. And this has been, I think, accelerated since Morrison has been in power there, where the difference between Liberal and Labor, what is there? There’s nothing.

Malcolm Roberts:

Zero.

Chris Spicer:

There’s nothing. There’s no difference where-

Malcolm Roberts:

Name a policy.

Chris Spicer:

Well, that’s what I mean. The same. I mean, they used to be more leaning towards the right with their policies. That’s what the Liberal Party is known for, but now… My father’s been a Liberal voter his whole life, and I had a conversation with him the other day about it, and he said, “The Liberal Party’s not the Liberal Party. They’re not.” He goes, “They’re a shadow of Labor.” This woke nonsense that’s going on now and all the rest of it, it’s out of control. And now we’ve got a Labor government and the Greens who have a… I don’t know how many. You’d be able to know for sure how many people are in the Senate are from the Greens Party, but they’re going to get a lot of say.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, the last Labor government was a Labor-Greens Coalition. There was a formal coalition drawn up under Julia Gillard, because she was the prime minister with that Greens-Labor Coalition. And we all know that the tail, the Greens, wagged the dog, the Labor Party. And so that’s what’s going to happen again. We don’t know the makeup of the Senate yet though, Chris, because the voting hasn’t been finished. The counting of the votes hasn’t been finished yet and probably won’t be for a few days yet. So, we won’t know the makeup, but it depends upon a couple of scenarios.

Malcolm Roberts:

If we get all the ones we look like we’re getting, then we might have some say in the balance of power, but if the Greens and the Independent in the Australian Capital Territory get it, then it’s going to be Labor-Greens Coalition in Senate. So, it’ll be Labor-Greens Coalition government. Oh, by the way, though, 15% of people, 15 to 20% of people, voted for Freedom Party. So, we now know that freedom is a definite… It’s smaller than I thought, but it’s still a sizable chunk of people. We now know that freedom is a very important issue, and I think that group is here to stay.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, definitely here to stay. And I can tell you now that I can see it’s going to grow. It’s not going to shrink, it’s going to grow, because what I think is going to be coming in the next few years is really going to get a lot of Australians, maybe even the ones who really didn’t get too involved in it due to the mandates, but when we’re talking about these climate policies and all those different policies that are incoming is they’re going to really get the backup of a lot of Australians. So, I could only see the freedom movement growing, moving forward. But quickly back to the Senate, what’s the position? What’s going on with Pauline? Because I’ve seen a lot of talk online. And I’m smart enough to know not to buy into what the media is saying. So, I’ll ask you myself. What’s happened with Pauline? Because some of them are saying that she could potentially lose her seat. Others are saying that she won’t.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. There’s potential for that. They haven’t seen the numbers today, because I can’t control them. It looks like she’ll be right to get back in, but it depends on preferences. Because what happened was Clive Palmer came in and split the vote for the freedom parties. And so did the Liberal Democrats. Now, if we get all of their preferences, or a lot of the preferences, of their voters, then she’ll be home easy. But what’s happening in pre-poll, sorry, what’s happening in the counting now is that they’re counting the postal votes, which were huge.

Malcolm Roberts:

And the Liberal Party is doing really well out of the postal votes. We’re doing well out of the postal votes. The Greens are falling in the postal votes. They’re not getting many. So is the Labor party. And so is Medical Cannabis. So, the threat originally was that the Medical Cannabis Party might overtake Pauline. That’s not going to happen. But the threat may be now that the third Liberal candidate might overtake Pauline, in which case she’d be knocked out. Or we might see Pauline go ahead of the second Labor candidate, which is a possibility. So, there’s a very good chance she’ll be back, but it’s not certain yet. So, we’re concerned about that.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, definitely. I hope, obviously, everything works out for Pauline. She’s a light, and both you and Pauline have been a light for a lot of Australians for the past two years. So, let’s hope that things work out well. And so you’re safe, you’re fine, yes?

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. I wasn’t up for election, Chris, because the Senate has staggered terms, and I don’t come up till 2025. But the other thing there, I agree with your dad that the Liberal Party’s no longer the Liberal Party, but I disagree with him that it’s become… Well, it is a clone of the Labor Party, but I think we’ve got to take it a step further. They’re both taking their orders from the United Nations. They’re both implementing United Nations instructions. There’s no doubt about that. One of the reasons, a big reason that Scott Morrison’s Liberal-National Coalition won the 2019 election, when everyone said Shorten was going to romp it in, was because of their position supporting coal and especially their position saying that they would not support the UN’s 2050 net zero decision policy from the United Nations.

Malcolm Roberts:

Then two years ago, they adopted it. Within 12 months after the election, they adopted it. I mean, that’s just the last UN policy to come in place. And Liberals have adopted it when they said their mandate was to not have it. So, that’s what’s happening. And then you look at the World Health Organization’s International Health Regulations, you look at them, they’re coming in. Perhaps we can talk about it later, but a critical part of that is going to be that if we don’t adopt them, assuming they get passed this week in Geneva, if we don’t adopt them, then the world can apply sanctions to us. Now, you might say, “Well, sanctions are no big deal.” Well, they’re no big deal 40 years ago. But what’s happening is that people have realised this COVID thing was not set up in 12 months. It wasn’t set up in a few months. This was set up over the last 10 years. It’s been premeditated.

Malcolm Roberts:

But when you realise what’s happening, Chris, 50, 60, 70 years ago, we were independent, our country. We made everything we needed, almost everything we needed. We made our own toolmaking equipment for lathes, metalworking, making tools for manufacturing. We made it all. And we made some of it so well that we exported lathes and other precision equipment overseas. We had our own oil reserves. We’re now the largest exporters of natural gas in the world. We’re the second largest exporters of coal. We’re the largest exporters of energy. And yet if someone put a blockade on our country, within a matter of days we’d stop, grind to a halt, because our oil supply is stuck in the United States. That’s where our oil securities are, in the United States. I mean, this is crazy.

Chris Spicer:

It is crazy.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, you shouldn’t even let them get down low. But then, so in other words, the United Nations could just say, “We’ll put a blockade on Australia unless they take our World Health Org Regulations.” And so we would be really hurting ourself. Because what they’ve done, Chris, this has been deliberate over the last seven decades, they have deliberately made countries interdependent. Now, that sounds like a lovely thing. I’m interdependent on you. We can get on really well. We’re dependent on each other. Sounds good.

Malcolm Roberts:

But if you strip it all away, you’re dependent on me and I’m dependent on you. If something happens to me, you’re buggered. If something happens to you, I’m gone. So, what they’ve done is they’ve made us interdependent, which has made us dependent. And so now we can’t stand up for ourselves. That’s what the UN has done. And it’s been cold and calculated, and that was their aim to do that. This is not about COVID coming up in the last 12 months. It’s not about COVID coming up in the last 10 years. We know it’s taken that long to engineer this. This has been going on for seven decades, 78 years.

Chris Spicer:

Let me ask you a question about that, because a lot of people wonder, and sometimes I think about it as well. What is it with the United Nations and the World Economic Forum and all these foreign unelected agencies, what is it about them where Western leaders, they just comply with their demands? What is it? Is it the threat of sanctions and that sort of thing that give them no choice but to go along with it? What is it that is pushing them to adopt policies? So, let’s just say Albanese, for whatever reason, decided that he doesn’t think signing onto the World Health Organization’s treaty is a good idea and he doesn’t want to do it. We know that’s not going to happen. We know that he will sign onto it. So, what is it? What is it that drives these Western leaders to just go along with it?

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, there are a few things. First of all, the World Economic Forum had… Well, no, first of all, the United Nations and the World Economic Forum were both formed to push the agenda of the globalist predators, the major, major corporations, BlackRock, Vanguard, and the people who own them, the Rothschilds, the Rockefellers, et cetera. So, they control most of the large corporations across all kinds of industries in the world. They wanted to get more control. Because what’s happened, if you go back to the way we used to live in Europe and in Britain was feudalism.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, the baron or the lord of a region controlled all the land, owned all the land, and you and I would work as serfs. We would basically slog our guts out, die at an early age after working all our lives. And we would be given a plot of dirt that we could grow our crops on. And that would have to carry us through. The majority of our work, our product, would be given to the lord of the manor, but we would keep enough just to keep us alive. That was feudalism. We were controlled by the lord of the manor, and we worked for him.

Malcolm Roberts:

Then we had the Industrial Revolution, and we had freedom breakout, and we had the middle class. And the middle class was not controlled. It was free. And so the globalists don’t want that. What the globalists want is control. And so the whole thing about this UN and World Economic Forum is control. So, what they want to do is they want to control property. I won’t go into it now, but there are many things that they control. Our property. If you control property, then you control the people. They want to control our energy. They’ve got control of our energy. They want to control our water. They’ve got control of our water. They’ve got control of many of the policies in both parties.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, how have they done that? It goes back to things like the… what is it? … Young Global Leaders programme. Justin Trudeau from Canada, prime minister, he’s a graduate. Macron from France, he’s a graduate. Merkel, I’m told, is a graduate. Biden is affiliated with the World Economic Forum. They’ve actually said, the head of the World Economic Forum has said that what they’ve done is they’ve infiltrated governments around the world, especially in the West, and they have got control of those governments. Ardern in New Zealand is a graduate of the World Economic Forum’s Global Young Leaders programme. Sarah Hanson-Young, the Senator from South Australia with the Greens, is a graduate.

Malcolm Roberts:

Andrew Brag. It’s not just the Labor Party and the Greens, it’s also Senator Andrew Bragg from the Liberal Party. He’s a graduate of the World Economic Forum Young Leaders programme. Greg Hunt was the… what was he? … Director of Strategy for the World Economic Forum in the years 2000 and 2001. Greg Hunt pushed through things that drove the basis for an international carbon dioxide trading scheme, which will give the UN money, give them a guaranteed revenue source once it’s implemented. Greg Hunt pushed the climate scam. I presented data to him that shows it’s not caused by us at all, there’s just natural climate variability. Greg Hunt told me to my face, he said, “That’s the best presentation I’ve ever had on climate.” The CSIRO, as we were discussing off air before, one day we can probably talk about that, they’ve never presented any evidence. No one has presented this evidence. And so Greg Hunt has pushed this through based on bullshit. The others have fallen behind the same way.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, the globalists also push the media and they control the media. And the media narrative has been to just, “Climate change is real and it’s caused by us,” when both are wrong. The education system has been taken over by the control side of politics, what most people call a left-wing, and that’s indoctrinated people. So, most people around the age of 30 now, they think that it’s real because they’ve been indoctrinated all the way through. They can’t tell when they’re at a young age that it’s indoctrination or education. They’re not thinking for themselves at a young age in primary school. It starts in primary school. It continues on TV, on the media. It continues in university. If you want to speak out against the myth of manmade global warming and global climate change, you won’t get a job at a university.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah. No.

Malcolm Roberts:

You’d get fired. So, what happens is these people have been coerced by the media. They want votes. So, Frydenberg looks like he’s out of parliament. Frydenberg is a climate sceptic. He doesn’t believe it, and yet he’s pushing it because what he thinks is that as there are more Green voters moved to his inner city Melbourne electorate, then he has to try and appeal to them. If he came out and actually told them the truth, we’d knock this whole thing on the head. But instead what happens is the woke politicians, the gutless politicians like Frydenberg, Seselja, who’s not a bad bloke, actually, but he became woke because he’s in the Australian Capital Territory, Sharma, Zimmerman… who’s the other one? … Wilson, these people have got no evidence. I’ve had an argument with Zimmerman about it, and I trashed his argument about climate change. These have got no evidence, but what they’re doing is they’re kowtowing to inner city Greens voters.

Malcolm Roberts:

And Chris, if you kowtow to that without any evidence, then you’re endorsing it. They’re actually strengthening the Greens’ position, and they’re strengthening the Teals’ position. Zimmerman, Wilson, and Sharma were replaced by Teals. Frydenberg will be replaced by a Green. Oh, hang on, no, that’s a Teal as well. So, what they’ve done is they’ve created their own demise because of their gutlessness and their stupidity and their ignorance. So, that’s the way. It’s not a simple story. But, oh, the other thing that they’ve done to push this climate change rubbish and the control by the UN, when you watch, when you dismantle the control methods they use for pushing the climate scam, it applies to so many things.

Malcolm Roberts:

You showed me a little while ago that billionaires have advanced because of the COVID virus. Billionaires have advanced because of the climate change myth. And what they do is they make sure that the billionaires get their palms greased and make a lot more money out of it so that the billionaire says, “Sign me up.” Then when they become prominent signatories of the climate change, or the COVID, or whatever, they’re on the gravy train. But their voices are influential, and they con a lot of people into thinking that COVID is a serious problem that has to be dealt with with controls, climate is a serious problem that has to be dealt with with controls. So what you see is deceit, money, and you see massive control. That’s the objective, control. And there are many ways in which they’ve done it, but that’s some of the ways.

Chris Spicer:

Well, that’s right. And that’s what a lot of people often say, “Okay, but why do they want control? Why do these people like Bill Gates and George Soros and these characters, why do they want control?” And I say, “Well, listen, people like you and I, just born into a normal household, average income, our parents weren’t wealthy…” I’m assuming your parents weren’t wealthy.

Malcolm Roberts:

No.

Chris Spicer:

But certainly not billionaires. Certainly not billionaires, right?

Malcolm Roberts:

No, they weren’t wealthy.

Chris Spicer:

So, we’ve had to work for everything. And you’re driven not necessarily by money, well, by money, but to use for good or to give your family a better life. That’s my dream, and that was your dream. But these people that are born into families with endless amounts of money, like Bill Gates… Bill Gates’ father was loaded. Bill Gates never had to work for anything in his life. He never had to. He never missed out on anything in his life. He had it handed to him. Those are the people that grow up and chase. They don’t need to chase money like you and I. They’ve already got it. They chase power, they chase control.

Malcolm Roberts:

Bingo. Bingo.

Chris Spicer:

And they’re relentless in that. It might be originally, “Oh, I wonder if we can get people to wear face masks.” Then they’ve got that amount of control. “I wonder if we can get them to lock up inside their homes for a number of months.” They’ve got that control. They’re after power and more control. They’re not going to get to a point and think, “Okay, we’ve got enough control now.” It’s never going to end. So, people need to understand that the way they think, the way their brains operate, isn’t like the average person. It’s different.

Chris Spicer:

So, you can’t really understand it. Because we’re all stuck in the rat race, the 9:00 to 5:00, and trying to earn money and give ourselves and our families a better life. They don’t need that. They need control, and they want more power. And that’s, I think, where a lot of that comes from. So, it’s almost asking the average person, “Why does a serial killer like Ivan Milat, why does he do that? How could you do that? It’s evil.” We don’t understand it because our brain chemistry isn’t the same. And it’s the same with these people like Bill Gates. We can’t think. It’s irrational to us because they’ve got a different makeup than we have.

Malcolm Roberts:

Let me give you an example. This is from a Canadian broadcasting system, which is a bit like the ABC, this Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, a government owned station. They made a video, a… what do you call it? … documentary, mini documentary, about an hour long, on Maurice Strong. Now, you say, “Who the hell’s Maurice Strong?” You may know of him, but he was the guy who fabricated global warming, fabricated climate change. He was the guy who said that he had two aims in life. Get how sick this is. One is to de-industrialise Western civilization, de-industrialise us, take us back to the caves. The second is to put in place an unelected socialist global governance.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, I can run a company so long as I get into a position of influence, I can run a company’s board of directors without having the dominant vote. I can do that because of personality. You can do it because of personality. We know that boards of directors are generally filled with people who just kowtow. They’ve been selected to do that. So, someone can take over a company effectively without having a vote. That happens. You can take over countries the same way. It happens. You can take over a football club. It happens. So, Maurice Strong, this is his background.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, he became very senior in the United Nations. He basically ran the joint. So, when he was 17, he did an intern at the UN. And just think about this. The guy came back from that place as an intern. And someone asked him, “What was your impression, young Maurice?” And he said, “That place will have enormous power one day.” What 17 year old thinks like that? “That place will have enormous power one day.” Now, think about this. It backs up exactly what you said. Then at the age of 25, he was running a large… Well, no, not a large but a significant oil corporation, producing oil. Got that? Producing oil.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah.

Malcolm Roberts:

And he says, “I’m doing pretty well, but I want something else.” So, he puts his company in the hands of another manager and goes off and works for Canada’s most influential family. Canada’s most influential family at the time, I can’t remember their names, controlled both sides of politics. There’s that word, control. So, he works for them. And then someone asked him, “Is your ultimate objective to get into politics?” “No, no, no, no. That’s not where the power is.” The power. So, he ended up commissioning a report on the state of the world, or state of the Earth, or state of the planet, whatever it was back in 1970.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, 1970, he commissions this report, and it comes back and says the world’s buggered. We’re going to hell in a hand basket. Okay. So, he then uses that report to develop the United Nations Environmental Programme, a department within the United Nations called UNEP, United Nations Environmental Programme. And guess who becomes its first head? Maurice Strong. So, the people who sit at senior levels of the United Nations are basically diplomats, failed politicians, and bureaucrats. And all of a sudden, you get Maurice Strong coming up in there, and he’s sitting as head of UNEP. He’s sitting one level below the United Nations Secretary General, the head of the United Nations. But he’s in that top management group.

Malcolm Roberts:

And so he starts developing lots of policies about the environment. And we know there were some problems with the environment in the 1970s, because people had just started getting right into industry, new technologies, and they were making mistakes. But the significant thing was that people were correcting those mistakes. They don’t like lakes being set on fire, covered in oil, beaches covered in oil. So, anyway, Maurice Strong then makes the environment the issue. So, all of a sudden, people are saying, “We need environmental policies.” By the way, the Nazis did the same. So, this has been copied from the Nazis in Germany.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, hang on, the head of the UN and the other bureaucrats that live just below the head of the UN, they know nothing about the environment. So, they all say, “Well, what do we do, Maurice?” And Maurice tells them what he’ll do. Then Maurice concocts the global warming scam, 1970s, he created that. In 1988, he formed the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. He was an exceptional brain, an exceptional networker, very good at manipulating people. He then started controlling people like Greenpeace, WWF, or having significant influence on them. Then in 1992, he led the United Nations Rio Declaration, which was about 21st century global governance. And he got control of the floor, of the delegates. He brought a lot of people in from overseas, through Greenpeace and WWF, and they all spoke very strongly in favour of climate action.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, see how he started it? He then had a conference in 1980 in Villach, Austria, where they invited the chief climate scientists from around the world. They came, and they had a conference. And they were presented with a document that said, “Sign this. It’s a declaration stating that we need to cut our carbon dioxide.” And the scientists said, “No, mate, we’re not signing that because there’s no evidence for it.” So, 1985, in the same town of Villach, Austria, they had another conference, but this time Maurice Strong organised it so that they picked the scientists that would represent each country. And guess what? They passed a motion saying that our carbon dioxide affects global warming, even though it didn’t. And so then he got the 1992 Rio Declaration, which was about 21st century global governance. I’ve got the document. Hang on, I’ll just get it. There’s been many, many documents written about this. The United Nations are not denying it. Can you see that?

Chris Spicer:

Yep. Summit Agenda 21. Yep.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. Agenda 21 came out in 1992. When it first came out, that was Agenda 21: 21st Century Global Governance. They’re warning, by the year 2000 for the 21st century global governance in place, they would control everything. And at first, our politicians… They all signed up to it, by the way. Keating signed up to it on behalf of the Labor Party, and our prime minister in 1992. At first, the politicians on both sides denied it. Pauline spoke out about it in 1996. Then when people became more informed about Agenda 21, they went, “Yeah. Well, it exists, but it’s got no teeth.” What they didn’t tell people was that they were pushing through parliament, sometimes in regulations avoiding the parliament, regulations that would control various aspects: our energy, our water, our property rights, our regulations on how we live, what kind of food we eat. They were being drafted. They control all of those things, and they’re seeking more and more control.

Malcolm Roberts:

And why do they do it? Because they like power. Maurice Strong, at 17, said, “That place is going to have power one day.” That attracted him. He then influenced all this power. This is how one man can shape the world. And people say, “Well, hang on a minute. That’s a bit unusual.” I said, “No, it’s not, because you’ve had Genghis Khan. Well, Genghis Khan, Alexander the Great, we’ve had Hitler, many people trying to control the world. Maniacs.” And if you look at these people, there is some maniacal bent in them. I mean-

Chris Spicer:

All of them.

Malcolm Roberts:

… look at Gates. Look at Gates. But the significant thing, Chris, is that always beneath control, there is fear. So, if you try to control me, it shows me that you’re afraid of me. Otherwise, you wouldn’t need to control me.

Chris Spicer:

That’s right.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, these globalist freaks, these globalist predators that are trying to control, are doing so because they’re afraid. And what are they afraid of? Well, if you go to the ultimate, the ultimate… what’s the word? … deceit is the way they create money. And we’ve had this proof from the Reserve Bank of Australia’s Deputy Governor, Guy Debelle. I asked a question in Senate Estimates. He confirmed it. They create money out of thin air. Now, the significant thing there is that people don’t really think about money. It’s in everything we do. It’s intimately woven into every single thing we do in our lives. So, we take it for granted. But if you sit back and say, “How do they come up with a dollar bill? How do they come up with a $2 coin?” It’s just journal entries and “electronic journal entries,” to use Guy Debelle’s words. They just pull it out of thin air and just write it down. So, they can create all the money they want.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, that’s a wonderful system if you’re the one controlling the money printing, but it’s not for us. Because what happens is that these people control governments, and they have done for centuries, literally control governments because they control the central banks. Now, in the case of the United States Federal Reserve Bank, it has power over so many other countries because the dollar is essentially the global currency, until Putin came along. But anyway, it’s the global currency. So, the Federal Reserve Bank is privately owned. Privately owned. As Ron Paul, Senator Ron Paul said, Federal Reserve, it’s neither federal, state, federal government, it doesn’t have any reserves. It controls the money supply. It controls the interest rates. It controls everything in the United States.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, our reserve bank is not owned by anyone other than the people of Australia, but it’s controlled by major bankers, which is the Bank for International Settlements, which is a central bank of central banks. So, what we’ve seen is a massive control of funds. And the same people who have the control behind the scenes over you and I also control BlackRock and Vanguard, which own most of the corporations. And what I believe they want us to do is to go back to being serfs in the futile times where we eke out a living. And that’s what’s behind the Digital Identity Bill. We get just enough to survive so that we’re producers, and they can scram all the profits off us. And they can also control the money. But what they’re afraid of is people waking up and taking over.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, which is happening. I mean, there’s a lot more people now than this time last year that are actually speaking about these things, which is great because that’s what we need. Individually, you and I, what can we do? Nothing. It’s going to be a collective effort and just enough to make them uncomfortable, just enough to make them think about it twice or even prolong it. Just say they wanted to achieve this by a certain date. If there’s enough pushback from the people and they can see that, hold on, the people are getting a bit restless, they’ll prolong it, prolong it, prolong it, prolong it. And what we’ve seen in the past few years is an incredible acceleration from these globalists trying to achieve their goals and what they… Yeah. The Great Reset, which I’m sure you’re very familiar with. So-

Malcolm Roberts:

Build back better, The Great Reset, New World Order, you name it. And the significant thing, Chris, is that those slogans are used by Ardern in New Zealand, Trudeau in Canada, Macron in France, Merkel in Germany, she used to be there, Morrison, Boris Johnson. They’re used within hours of each other. It’s all coordinated.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, that’s right. And that’s what I keep saying to people, “We’ve just got to keep speaking. Just keep doing your part.” We all have our part. Obviously, your part, you can speak to the parliament. You can speak to a wide range of people about these issues. I’m lucky that I’ve got a big platform to raise these issues and speak on. But even to the average person who may not have that, a big following or whatever, just speaking to family about it, speaking to their mates at the pub about it, just getting the word out so people, or at least it’s in the back of their mind. So, when they raise things, for example, the Labor Party with the co-ownership of the housing, 40% equity in the homes, the minute I heard that, I thought, “Oh, we’ll own nothing, but we’ll be happy.” Straight away I heard that. I thought, “That’s exactly what they want.” I mean, I believe that’s a step in that direction, because it’s blatantly obvious.

Chris Spicer:

Then yesterday I see an article down in Victoria, it was. I’ll bring it up. I’ll read it to you. There we go. “Proposed petrol car cutoff date in Victoria in Environment and Planning Committee report.” This is from the Herald Sun. “A Greens backed parliamentary inquiry has recommended a cutoff date for the sale of new petrol cars.” So, things are moving at an incredible rate. They really are. And I just hope that the cash ban, that I think it was yourself and Pauline that stopped that happening a few years ago, it’s actions like that. Because imagine if you didn’t stop it back then. Imagine where we would be now. We wouldn’t have had cash for a few years. We’d be in all sorts of trouble.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, you’ve got to have cash because it’s an alternative to the digital currency they have said they’re bringing in. At Davos in the World Economic Forum this week they’ve talked about the digital currency. The Australian Banking Association’s Conference a few months ago that I went to, every single speaker talked about either the digital identity or the digital currency. The reserve bankers talked about it. They’ve been working on it for years. Davos has admitted that they’re working on a digital currency. The Reserve Bank of Australia has admitted they’re working on a digital currency globally and interacting with other nations. So, with that cash ban, it’s very, very important, because if we don’t have cash, there’s no alternative. You will go on that digital currency.

Malcolm Roberts:

And then they will determine what the value of that currency is from day to day. And if you don’t behave yourself, you’ll have less value in your digital currency. If I behave myself and kiss their arse, I’ll have more value. So, what they’re doing is they’re trying to get coercion in. But what you said a little while ago about the cash ban was significant. It was my office. I was the one who raised the awareness of this. We went to the Labor Party, and the Labor Party said, “Yeah, you’re right,” but they voted for it through the lower house. The Liberals pushed it through the lower house. So, then when it came to the Senate, we created such a stink with the crossbench and we put so much pressure on Labor that it was consigned to a committee to be evaluated.

Malcolm Roberts:

We also then got in touch with significant players in the grassroots membership of the Liberal Party. There’s a couple of them stood up in Victoria, and good on them. Steven Holland in particular was one of them. Not the swimmer, but another Steven Holland. And we had talks with them, and we had talks with other people in the grassroots. And they created such a fuss in the Liberal Party that the Liberal Party let it go. And so we moved a motion in the Senate saying that we would dismiss that from the Senate list. And it’s gone.

Malcolm Roberts:

But they’re coming back because the Digital Identity Bill is where they want to bring back another cash ban. So, we’ve got to fight that. But we will beat them, Chris, providing we do exactly what you said, talk to our friends, talk to our family, talk to our workmates, talk to our sporting mates, and spread the word. And then speak up with the politicians, put pressure on the politicians, as they did in Victoria with the cash ban. Speak up and spread it out. The other thing that gives me a lot of hope is that… How can you put it? We had questions of the Digital Transformation Agency in federal Senate Estimates, right?

Chris Spicer:

Yep.

Malcolm Roberts:

Mate, they struck us with their incompetence, that they can’t do this. They will try, but they can’t do it. But they’d cause a lot of damage by trying to do it. So, what we can do is make sure that they don’t do it by spreading the word, then destroy anything that they can create. Just not cooperate, just hold them accountable everywhere they go. But they’re not going to be able to do this. And the other thing is that control, always beneath control there is fear. These people, except for the very senior level, are either afraid and they’re pushing this… Even the senior level is afraid. But imagine being one of these people pushing these controls. You couldn’t do it, Chris.

Chris Spicer:

No.

Malcolm Roberts:

Even if you wanted to, even if they were rewarding you, you couldn’t put your heart and soul into it. They’re not going to beat our passion and our energy across the everyday Australians. They are not knowing what they’re doing. They cannot put their whole heart and soul into it. So, this is not a fait accompli. They’ve got enormous power, but they haven’t got the will. They haven’t got the real passion.

Chris Spicer:

No. And look, there’s so much going on at the moment too, that I feel like a lot of people, their brains are just overloaded with so much. I mean, you’ve got COVID, which is still going on, not to the degree that it was 12 months ago, but still very-

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, the fear of COVID. COVID is not really the problem. It’s the government restrictions and the government fear and sensationalism, that’s the problem.

Chris Spicer:

That’s the problem, but that’s not where it is. A year ago to today, you can’t compare the two. People don’t care anymore about COVID. But instead, we’re hit with this monkeypox. Then, on top of that, there’s a war in Ukraine that dominated the airwaves for weeks. Now, all of a sudden, no one’s talking about it. So, that’s what they do. They almost intentionally overload you with so much information, and there’s so much going on at any given time that… We just got over COVID, two years of it, of government interference and overreach, and then, bang, monkeypox. The first thing I think of is, “Fuck. Here we go again. Here we go.” And this time it’s going to be worse because it’s not going to get any better. So I thought, “Well, it’s going to be worse.” But that’s sort of sitting idle at the moment.

Chris Spicer:

But it’s just, look, I don’t understand how… I speak to my mates about this all the time. I say, “I don’t know how the average person doesn’t think, ‘Hold on. What’s going on?'” Because me personally, I’m 29 now, prior to COVID, there was nothing. There was an occasional bad flu season every five, six years. That was it. Then in the space of three years, we’ve been hit with bushfires, COVID, floods, more COVID, floods, monkeypox, the war in Ukraine. That’s in three years. That hasn’t happened in the 30 years that I’ve been alive. So, that should ring alarm bells in itself as to why are all of these events… Just where are they coming from? Why is this happening? Why are we having an outbreak of monkeypox that’s in 12, 13, no, it’s now 15 different countries, when, if you know anything about the virus, it’s uncharacteristic of the virus to pop up like this? Why is this happening? Why is all the-

Malcolm Roberts:

It’s shingles.

Chris Spicer:

Well, I’ve got Dr. McCullough coming on Monday to have a chat to me about it and get his opinion, because everyone’s going to have different opinions on it. It looks like shingles when you look at it. It could be they’re masking vaccine side… Who knows what it could be? Who knows? But what I do know-

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, they did say-

Chris Spicer:

… they’re pushing bullshit.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah, they’re definitely pushing bullshit. What people have been saying for about six months now… Oh, what’s the name of that virus supposedly coming out, starting with the letter M? Mergon or something like that. And anyway, they said that there will be a virus coming out that will hide the vaccine injuries. And this could be it, the people keeling over, because we know that they’re doing that in the thousands. Hospital admissions, ambulance trips have been skyrocketing. And they’re in case they’re… what do they call it? … category one hospital trips, which is heart problems. “I wonder what that could be,” says Yvette D’Ath, the State Minister for Health. I wonder, Yvette. It’s no wonder at all, but-

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, I know.

Malcolm Roberts:

… you look at these things-

Chris Spicer:

I heard that. I remember when she said that. I’m thinking, “What do you mean, you wonder?” You’re not a stupid woman. Come on. Just, we know what it is.”

Malcolm Roberts:

She’s either deceitful or dumb. But climate change, invisible. COVID, invisible. Bushfires, there was not a problem there. Those bushfires were nothing unusual by our standards in this country. They were less than earlier bushfires in our country, including in the 1800s, including the 1974, including earlier on in the 19th.

Chris Spicer:

Let me just quickly, sorry just to disturb you, just quickly, well, just let me finish this part about monkeypox. So, I wrote an article the other day about it, because I’ve heard about monkeypox for quite a number of months and I was anticipating it somewhere to pop up unusual. And I wrote an article on it. And do you know, they ran, there’s actually two sets, there was… I’ll try and find it now. I did publish it on the… I’ll tell you what. Because I don’t know if you know, and if you don’t know, you wouldn’t believe it. It’s almost hard to believe. So, they ran, like they did with COVID, prior to COVID they ran Event 201, which is a simulation of a coronavirus outbreak.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yep, yep, yep.

Chris Spicer:

I’m sure you familiar with that.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yep. They had several simulations.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, that’s right. In March 2001, there we go, the NTI, which is the Nuclear Threat Initiative, they held a tabletop exercise focusing on reducing high consequence biological threats with catastrophic consequences, and the virus they used for that simulation was a genetically modified version of monkeypox. Now, in September last year, the UK Ministry of Defence, they used… There’s a software that’s called Conductor. I don’t know if you’ve heard of it. It’s this software that you can run simulations, where it brings up fake Twitter profiles and fake Facebook and all the rest of it. You won’t believe this when I tell you. And it’s all there. That’s the little graphics for the event that they ran. So, you can find it. It’s on Google. It’s online, right? So what it was, well, here, on Conductor, so this was the UK Ministry of Defence, they ran a simulation about how the world would react to Russian disinformation during a monkeypox outbreak. I’m not joking. They ran that in September last year before the war on Ukraine was going on. Why are they running that event in September? Come on! That’s not a coincidence. It can’t be.

Malcolm Roberts:

No. Well, they’ve had six years of Russian disinformation. No, sorry, disinformation about Russia. We had Trump being accused of being allies with the Russians, complete bullshit. And then there’s another thing. So, the fires, coming back to the fires, there’s nothing unusual there except that the media blew them up. Nothing unusual at all. And the media blew them up. And then you see Ukraine, that was the other one, Ukraine, all we’re getting is one side in the media. That’s all we’re getting. I stood up in parliament and said, “Hang on, hang on, hang on,” I was the only one to do so, “Hang on just a minute here. All we’re getting is the Foreign Minister saying this, we’re getting the Labor Party saying the same thing, getting the Liberal Party saying the same thing, getting the Greens saying the same thing.”

Malcolm Roberts:

The Greens, by the way, are the greatest control freaks in the country. They want to inject people. They’re very much into control, because they’re pushing the UN agenda for them, and the UN’s all about control. And so we had all these people saying, “Just follow Ukraine. Bash Russia. Bash Russia.” And I said, “Hang on a minute. I’m not going to take a side here because I don’t know enough. But I’m going to ask one question. What the hell are we doing? Where is the information? Let’s stop and not just follow America into another war.” Because we followed America into so many wars in the last 100 years.

Malcolm Roberts:

And there again, Chris, you look at Ron Paul. Senator Ron Paul mentioned that in a book I read, a very good book, it’s End the Fed, end the Federal Reserve Bank, he said, “Every…” And this guy is phenomenally educated, self-educated largely, but very, very strong and respected by both sides of the house in America, both sides of politics, incredibly well-respected, very strong, very honest, very competent. He said, “Every major war since 1913 when the Federal Reserve Bank was created is directly attributable to the United States Federal Reserve Bank.” Every major recession is directly attributable to their policies. They flood the joint with cash. Does this sound familiar? They flood the joint with cash, lower interest rates. People overcommit. Then they jerk up the interest rate suddenly and people collapse and foreclose.

Chris Spicer:

That’s what’s going on now, right here.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay? That’s the basic mechanism that they’ve done time after time after time. And that’s how they engineer it. Because who takes over the assets when you foreclose? The banks. Who owns the banks? The same globalist predators, BlackRock, Vanguard, the same families that run the whole lot. So, all of these things attributed come back to the use of money and the control of the people who control the money.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah. It’s just, look, I don’t know what’s going to happen here. I mean, interest rates, there’s talk they’re about to go up to 2%, then they’re projecting up to 4% by this time next year. With the way the fuel prices are going, fuel is well and truly back over $2 a litre again. Now, I can speak about it because I know. Obviously, I’ve got a young family with five kids. And it’s tough, very, very tough, to the point where-

Malcolm Roberts:

Especially when you’ve been mandated out.

Chris Spicer:

Well, that’s right. That’s exactly right. So, it’s just the pressure. You’ve got an event or you get invited to a family gathering or whatever it may be, it’s a few hours away up the coast or whatever. It’s going to cost you a couple of hundred dollars in fuel just to get there. You got to take that. You never used to have to worry about that. But when fuel’s up around $2.30 a litre, you got to think about it because that’s a huge chunk of money that’s coming out of your budget. It’s almost forcing you to stay local because families can’t afford to be going on holidays because the fuel’s so excessive. I mean, it’s double what it was a year ago, a year or two ago.

Chris Spicer:

I remember about three or four years ago it got down to 86 cents a litre in parts of Sydney, and now it’s $2.30 a litre of fuel. And there’s no end in sight. We’ve got food shortages. The food comes back and they’ve hiked the price up on that. And then they’re imposing sanctions on Ukraine and they’re blaming that for a few of the cost of living issues that we’re dealing with here. And it’s like, “Well, stop sanctioning them. Stop it. If you’re making the Australian people suffer because you’re sanctioning Russia because they’ve made innocent Ukrainians suffer, you’re doing the same thing with your sanctions,” if that’s what they want to blame it on. I mean, if they’re saying that a lot of this, the inflation at the moment and shortages of different produce, is because of the war in Ukraine, because of their own sanctions, stop it.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, mate, one of my researchers is extremely good, and he’s been across all the topics we’re talking about for quite a while. He’s been alerting me to the fact that so many food processing plants are shut. Shut.

Chris Spicer:

Yes.

Malcolm Roberts:

In America, they’ve got the largest… And TNT Radio, for anybody who’s listening, when Chris is not on air, go and listen to tntradio.live. I can tell you more about that.

Chris Spicer:

That’s right. You’re on Saturdays.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah, I’m on every second Saturday. But during the week, phenomenal, they tell the truth. They talk about the topics we’re not allowed to be talking about. I heard Rick Munn on the evening show. He’s broadcasting out of Belfast, Ireland. He said that the largest baby formula factory in America was shut down a few weeks ago because of some bacterial infection. They found out that it wasn’t due to that factory. It was false. But the thing has not opened up since. It’s still shut down. So, they’re trying to drive the price of baby formula up by making it scarce, or they’re trying to just make it scarce and put pressure on families. There is so many food processing plants in the United States, something like 30, shut. That’s creating an artificial food shortage. So these people, I don’t know how they’re doing it other than through ownership of the major companies like maybe Nestle, maybe some of the other food companies. They’re all owned by the globalist predators as well, BlackRock and Vanguard. So [inaudible 00:57:37]-

Chris Spicer:

Because it’s not even a conspiracy, it’s a fact that they’re impacting, they’re deliberately impacting, well, causing food shortages in America. The baby formula shortage in America is horrific. I know babies are going to hospital now and some are probably dying due to not been able to get… There was one lady who said that she’d driven, I think, 300 kilometres from her home, well, 300 miles, whatever that is in kilometres, from her home to find formula and put it. So, is it control? Is it just to put the population just in shambles? What is it? What are they gaining from that?

Malcolm Roberts:

Both of that. What they gain is control over people, and they get then cheap Labor. They get us basically back to feudalism, back to communism, working as slaves. These people have destroyed property rights, which is fundamental to a free democratic society. They haven’t destroyed them, sorry, but they’ve destroyed them in certain sectors in this country. And I mentioned it to a group of doctors who invited me to their meeting. These are doctors against the mandates, oh, a couple of months ago. And they suddenly had woken up. They realised it wasn’t just them being impacted individually. It was a whole medical fraternity being impacted. And they suddenly realised they’d lost their profession. The whole profession has gone. And I said, “Now you know how the farmers feel like.”

Malcolm Roberts:

Because farmers in Australia lost their right to be able to use their property. They’ve got to get permission from people to grow certain things. I mean, this is just insane. If you own property, you bought it to produce whatever you want to produce on it. So, losing property rights is fundamental to a return to communism. Destroying religion, and they’ve destroyed that not with guns, but they’ve destroyed that. They’re destroying it by infiltrating the churches. The churches have come up with woke policies now that push climate change. The churches have been shut down during the COVID restrictions, the government’s COVID restrictions. The churches were shut down, but the pubs weren’t. The abortion places weren’t, but the churches were. So, they’ve got an all out war against religion, because people turn to religion for guidance and a code of conduct. When the church is gone, they’re buggered.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, they’re also destroying the family through the family law system, which was introduced into this country in 1975 by a Labor government. It doesn’t matter, Labor or Liberal, it’s the same. And they are destroying families. They’ve injected the kids, infiltrated the kids’ education, indoctrinated the kids with all kind of gender bending influences, all kinds of sexuality changes. And then they’re just indoctrinating them with climate change crap. So, they’re changing the family, the construction of the family.

Chris Spicer:

The family unit, yeah.

Malcolm Roberts:

They’re changing nation states. They’re destroying the borders between nations. Fortunately, Abbott stood up. Tony Abbott stood up. He’s the one leader we’ve had who stood out by actually doing what was right on so many issues. I think he’s aware of some of these things. But he was under so much pressure from his own party, people like Malcolm Turnbull, that he couldn’t do the whole job properly. So, they’re destroying the fabric of our society, destroying the foundations of our society. They’re destroying our borders.

Malcolm Roberts:

And what they want is a global governance, which means you don’t have national borders, you don’t have elections, unelected global governance, and they just control things. They make the decisions that will determine your life, what you’ll eat. And they’ve seen it. Davos has talked about this. They will soon be able to track your so-called carbon dioxide output or usage. And that will then enable them to say, “Well, Chris, you’ve had too much carbon dioxide produced this week because you’ve eaten too much beef. So, therefore, you’re going to be cut back next week.”

Chris Spicer:

That’s happening.

Malcolm Roberts:

They want to control how we live. I mean, they said it. It’s not me saying this. Davos has said it.

Chris Spicer:

Well, in Sydney, I don’t know if you heard about this, a few weeks ago, Channel 9, it was, obtained a report from, I think, the New South Wales government about distance-based tolling. Did you hear about that?

Malcolm Roberts:

No. Oh, distance-based tolling. So, in other words, you pay per kilometre however far you drive?

Chris Spicer:

Yeah. So, just say I want to go into Sydney Harbour, and, well, where I do live is probably about 70ks out of Sydney, I will pay a lot more to go there than what somebody would who lives 20 or 30ks away. So, they’re going to charge you-

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, that’s fair enough. That’s fair enough because somebody uses less energy should be paying less. But it depends on the structure, how they’re going to do it, because I’m guessing it’s to control so that you don’t drive very far, you’ll catch a bus.

Chris Spicer:

Well, that’s what it is. It’s-

Malcolm Roberts:

They want us inducted in the scheme. Of course.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah, that’s right. And you’re seeing that now. I mean, Victoria, they’re well-advanced in terms of this. They’ve already got electric buses. They invested a huge amount of money to get electric buses, and even buses now where you can put your pushbike. They’ve created these. Did you see that? The Victorian government have created buses where they’ve got bike racks on every single bus so you can load your pushbike up to the front of the bus and then take the bus. So, that’s what they want. They want us out of cars. They want us into buses, electric buses, which is what it will be, riding pushbikes. Out of cars, that’s what they want. But back to your religion for a second that came after-

Malcolm Roberts:

I’m going to have to go, Chris, because I’ve got an appointment at 1:30, so it’s 17 minutes past.

Chris Spicer:

No, you’re right. It’s gone fast, hasn’t it?

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah, it has. We’ve covered a lot of territories.

Chris Spicer:

It always goes fast. But I’ll finish on this point, as to why they’re coming after religion, I believe. I think it’s a lot harder to control a man who has faith. A lot harder. Because he doesn’t fear you. He won’t fear you. He fears God. He won’t fear the individual. And on top of that, a lot of our moral compass comes from religion. So, destroying that is another way of demoralising us. That’s my reasoning for it, because a lot of people ask me, “Who cares? It’s only religion.” But those are the points that I make, that a lot of our life here is from religion.

Malcolm Roberts:

You’re correct. You’re correct, all those things. That’s what Lenin said, that’s why he wanted to destroy religion. It’s one of the first things you do. You are absolutely correct. History has shown that repeatedly, mate. You’re spot on.

Chris Spicer:

All right. Well, I’ll let you get to your meeting. Malcolm, it’s been a pleasure, as always.

Malcolm Roberts:

Same here, mate. Keep going. We’ve got to have independent media, what I call independent new people media.

Chris Spicer:

Yeah. Well, it’s going well. There’s a big market now. From when I first started till now, it’s great. I love seeing it. Because to me, it’s not competition, for me, I love it. It’s, we’re a community. I don’t look at another show as a competitor. It’s a community. And good work with what you’ve been doing, and also Pauline. Thank her for me as well that you both have been incredibly important to this country over the past few years.

Malcolm Roberts:

It’s her birthday today, mate.

Chris Spicer:

Pauline’s birthday?

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah.

Chris Spicer:

Happy birthday, Pauline. Yeah. Make sure you pass that on for me. But-

Malcolm Roberts:

Will do.

Chris Spicer:

… yeah, again, Malcolm, thank you very much.

Malcolm Roberts:

You’re welcome. And thank you for what you’re doing, Chris. Really appreciate it.

Chris Spicer:

Thank you, mate.

After studying commerce at the University of Southern Queensland, instead of working as an accountant, Robbie joined the CEC, now Citizens Party, as a full-time staffer in its new HQ in Melbourne.

In the 30 years since, he has worked as a researcher, media liaison, campaigns director and research director, with a focus on Australian political history and especially the history of the Commonwealth Bank.

Robbie has been an active campaigner and has been at the forefront of many over the last decade, including:

  • a national bank
  • a Glass-Steagall separation of Australia’s bank
  • stopping the bail-in of Australian bank deposits, in which he worked closely with my office
  • reforming Australia Post and a post office “people’s bank”
  • justice for the hundreds of thousands of victims of Australia’s banks and financial institutions and reforming the financial regulators

Transcript

Speaker 1:

You’re with Senator Malcolm Roberts on Today’s News Talk Radio, TNT.

Malcolm Roberts:

Welcome back to Today’s News Talk Radio, tntradio.live. I want to welcome my second guest now, Robbie Barwick. I’m very proud to have worked with Robbie and his organisation, the Citizens Electoral Council. Welcome, Robbie.

Robbie Barwick:

Hi, Malcolm.

Malcolm Roberts:

I hope you’re listening to the first hour.

Robbie Barwick:

I was. I loved every bit of it. That was excellent.

Malcolm Roberts:

I’ve got a question for you before we take off, but first, I want to give you a proper introduction. So, Robbie studied commerce at the University of Southern Queensland. Instead of working as an accountant, Robbie joined the Citizens Electoral Council, now, the Citizens Party, as a full-time staffer in its new headquarters in Melbourne. In 30 years since then, he has worked as a researcher, media liaison, campaigns director, and research director with a focus on Australian political history and especially the history of the Commonwealth Bank. He knows government. He knows banking. He knows economics, and he’s a first rate individual. If he says something, it can be trusted. Robbie’s been an active campaigner.

Malcolm Roberts:

When I say campaigner, not electoral campaign, although he was a Senate candidate at the last election a couple of weeks ago. Robbie’s been an active campaigner working on many campaigns and it’s been at the forefront of the last decade, including a national bank, Glass-Steagall separation of Australia’s banks, stopping the bail-in of Australian bank deposits in which Robbie worked very closely with my office and with me, reforming Australia posts in a post office people’s bank, justice for the hundreds of thousands of victims of Australia’s banks and financial institutions, and reforming the financial regulations. So, welcome, Robbie. You’ve just done a marvellous job. You continue to do a marvellous job.

Robbie Barwick:

Oh, thanks, Malcolm. That’s very kind, coming from you.

Malcolm Roberts:

What do you mean coming from me?

Robbie Barwick:

You do marvellous work too, mate.

Malcolm Roberts:

All right. Thank you. Well, the key is I’d say that we share, that we both look upon ourselves as serving the people and that’s what I could see coming out of Ellen’s work. Before we get into questions about banking and currency and money, what’s something you appreciate, Robbie?

Robbie Barwick:

A good sleeping. No, I’ll add to that, outspoken senators like yourself and a few others, but I reckon, in my work, I always value meeting ordinary people around Australia who can feedback to me their direct experience of the economy of the world, their life, how it works. I never cease to be amazed, Malcolm, at how much Australia relies on ordinary people who are prepared to go that extra mile to keep the system going keep in their own little way. The nurse who’s worked a double shift and she’ll stay on another 15, 20 minutes because there’s not enough people there. And this is all unfunded stuff, right?

Robbie Barwick:

The people in industry who make sure that machine works, et cetera, because without them, we don’t have an economic system that actually goes the extra mile for them, that makes sure those things happen. So much of our essential services are held together with the equivalent of elastic bands and sticky tape, which is the efforts of the people who provide them. And the most recent one I discovered, which we worked together on as well, was how licenced post officers provide our postal services. And these are all small businesses working very, very hard for peanuts, right around Australia, very tough business conditions and they provide an essential service for Australians. So, that’s what I appreciate more than anything.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, yes. And the only thing I would disagree with you on that and I do want to acknowledge the licence post office and especially Angela Cramp. The only thing I disagree with you is the term ordinary. I would call them and I do call people everyday Australians, because there’s nothing ordinary about any one of them.

Robbie Barwick:

That’s true.

Malcolm Roberts:

I know what you mean by ordinary. You mean average, typical, or every day. I know what you mean.

Robbie Barwick:

They’re not ordinary that’s for sure.

Malcolm Roberts:

No. And the whole economy based on them and what I think it boils down to, Robbie… Correct me if I’m wrong, you’ve been around a lot as well. … is that it boils down to a four letter word starting with C. They care. When you put a human in a position, most humans, almost every human, almost that they matter, then they show that care. The other thing about humans is that we know there are some fraudsters. We know there’s some crooks. There’s some dictators.

Malcolm Roberts:

We’ve had our Hitlers. We’ve had our Joe Bidens. We’ve had our globalist predators. We understand that, but the majority of people are honest and that the two words, care and honest, leave us vulnerable because most of us are caring. Most of us are honest and we think everyone else is like us. And so, when we are caring and honest, we can become vulnerable to the used car salesman, to the tyrannical global bankster, the global predator who wants to control us. And we become victims in a sense.

Robbie Barwick:

Yeah, that’s true.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. So, our strength is also our vulnerability. Now, listen for our listeners, they won’t know this name that I’m about to use, Craig Isherwood. He’s a Citizen Electoral Council National Secretary when he wrote an astounding paper, very simple, but for very, very powerful paper called, “The Australian Precedents for a Hamiltonian Credit System”.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now, Robbie gave me that paper when we were starting to discuss this show, Robbie gave me that paper and I read it on my way to Darwin for holiday. And I read it again on the way back. And the second time I read it, I got so much more out of it. Now, Ellen hit exactly the first question. If you don’t mind, Robbie, this is the question I had. If you don’t mind, we’ll park our earlier discussions and just go through this paper and see where we go.

Robbie Barwick:

Sure.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay.

Robbie Barwick:

Let’s do that.

Malcolm Roberts:

I knew you’d be up for it. Okay. So, the very first point that I wrote as a key point is that Reserve Bank of Australia admitted to me in Senate estimates hearings that money is created in electronic journal entries, Ellen Hodson Brown reiterated that. She confirmed it. The question that I said was, “Who creates money?” It’s not whether it should be created or not. Clearly, for the system of credit, it needs to be created. Otherwise, people can’t invest. So, it needs to be created. The key question then is, “Who should create it?” And that’s exactly where Ellen got with her comment as well. That’s the key question. Is that the key question? Who creates credit?

Robbie Barwick:

Who controls the creation of credit? One thing to understand the financial system is so fluid and there’s so many clever people out there, Malcolm, always looking for an angle. You can forbid private banks from creating credit and they’ll find a way to create it anyway. So, your local store creates credit when they give you credit by selling you stuff something on credit. Credit is a pretty basic concept, actually. So, it’s more about who controls that. And that’s where the best form of control. Apart from having certain well-regulated banking system, the best form of control is to have a public banking presence that defines the terms for the whole system.

Robbie Barwick:

And so, the private banks have to work within those terms, because if they stray too far away from that, they won’t be competitive with the public bank, right? And so, the public bank can make sure that the creation of credit is fair, it’s productive, et cetera. And the private banks know that well, okay, they need customers. If they don’t have depositors, they’re not going to be banks. There’s a standard that they have to live up to. That’s served Australia very well for a long time, but it really does come down to the control. Who controls it? And my favourite quote, which isn’t in that Craig Isherwood article, although it might be, but the Labour Party once, upon a time in Australia, fought very hard on these issues.

Robbie Barwick:

We call it the old Labour position was about. Who controls money? And they called it the money power. Who controls the money power? And this became a name for the private banks. They called them the money power. They had this chokehold over Australia and they said the money power has to be brought under the control of the people. And by the people, it means the democratically elected government.

Robbie Barwick:

And John Curtin said in 1937, when he launched labor’s election campaign that year, which was seven years after the beginning of The Great Depression and this period of intense upheaval where the role of money was central, he demanded labour will legislate until the Commonwealth Bank would be able to control credit of the nation, rates of interest, direction of general investment, and currency relations with external markets. And he concluded, he said, “If the government of the Commonwealth deliberately excludes itself from all participation in the making or changing of monetary policy, it cannot govern except in a secondary degree.”

Robbie Barwick:

Meaning someone else is in charge of the economy, not us, not the people through their government. And so, what he was saying, it’s not just a good idea. It’s a question of sovereignty. A nation can’t be sovereign if the people through their elected government doesn’t control the credit of the nation.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay. So, is it fair to summarise it by saying whoever controls the money creation controls the country?

Robbie Barwick:

100%.

Malcolm Roberts:

That’s what I thought you’d say.

Robbie Barwick:

There is no more definitive power in a nation than that.

Malcolm Roberts:

And as you pointed out, it’s all about sovereignty as well as economics. And to me, it seems that my job as an elected representative is to serve the people. If you’re a grocer at a corner store, your job is to serve the people. If you’re a policeman, your job is to serve the people. Now, policeman’s job becomes a little bit more difficult because at times he has to apprehend someone and bring justice or at least arrest them to try them before the courts to ensure justice is conducted. But that service that’s the critical thing. At the moment, correct me if I’m wrong, I’m looking for your view, the people serve the banks rather than the banks serving the people. Is that a fair statement?

Robbie Barwick:

That is a fair statement. You can read a version of the explanation or the description of this in Adele Ferguson’s book that she wrote just towards the end of the Banking Royal Commission in 2018. And you’d be familiar with Adele Ferguson, Malcolm, the investigative journalist in Australia.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. Yup.

Robbie Barwick:

She had a lot to do with highlighting bank issues that led to the Royal Commission, but what she documents in that book, Banking Bad, I think it’s called, a play on the show Breaking Bad, is how from the time of the privatisation of the Commonwealth Bank onwards, so the mid-1990s, the model of banking in Australia changed from one in which… Don’t get me wrong. I don’t want to overstate it. The private banks were never perfect, but there was a general understanding that the private banks made their profits from the credit that helped their customers make their profits, right? They rightly got a cut from helping their customers get wealthy and preserving their deposits.

Robbie Barwick:

The model changed in the mid-90s to one in which the public, the customers became cows to be milked by the banks. Everything was about fleecing them, death by a thousand cuts. What can we sell these customers? What can we saddle them with so that through charges and interest rates, et cetera, we can just keep bleeding them for our profits? And that led to the abuses, that led to the Royal Commission.

Robbie Barwick:

And now, this became a standard model across the board from the mid-90s on, where the public absolutely served the banks, but a variation of that has always existed with private banks and banking. It’s always come up periodically in the rural debt crisis that erupt periodically around droughts and things, where it becomes a debt problem. And suddenly, instead of the banks being flexible, they’ll come in and mass foreclose. And you conducted an inquiry into that back in… Was it 2016, something like that?

Malcolm Roberts:

2017.

Robbie Barwick:

20 17. What’s happened in Australia with agriculture is we’ve gone from having something like 200,000 farmers in 1969, who between them had a billion dollars in debt to probably less than 30,000 farmers today who have $70 billion in debt. And now, the farmers do not get to accrue wealth. They’re so heavily indebted that all they’re waiting for is the next crop to be able to pay off or pay down their last lot of debt right before they incur more for the next crop. And they really have become debt slaves. And there’s a variation of that across the board in the way the economy where it’s unfortunately.

Malcolm Roberts:

So, I can recall reading a very short simple book. It was called End the Fed, the Federal Reserve Bank, End the Fed by former Senator Ron Paul in the United States, who was the only one really to hold the government accountable, held the Federal Reserve Bank accountable, wanted an audit of the gold reserves, et cetera.

Robbie Barwick:

Audit the fed. Yup.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yup. He said that every major recession since 1913 is directly attributable to the US Fed. Every major war since 1913 is directly attributable to the US Fed. Boom and bust cycles help the banks because they flood the joint with credit. Everyone goes hog, wild, and credit and overcommit themselves, and then they tighten it up. And next thing, people have to foreclose on their asset. The banks foreclose on their assets. So, private banking has failed repeatedly. Yet the banks continue to spread the bullshit that they make their money on the difference between what they charge for interest and for loans versus what they pay for deposits. Complete rubbish.

Malcolm Roberts:

The banks make their money by creating money, giving credit. And credit is essential, but they seem to have powers such that there’s no accountability. What I’m reading in Craig Isherwood’s article is something that I concluded as well, that if you have a public bank, it keeps the private banks honest. You’re not saying get rid of private banks. You’re saying let’s have both and then we’ll have accountability. Is that basically it?

Robbie Barwick:

Yeah, 100%, in any sector. I think this applies to insurance as well. Queensland for a hundred years had a state government insurance office, which was incredibly important at providing insurance that the private insurers wouldn’t provide, but also setting a standard that the private insurers had to meet if they wanted to have customers. That was called SGIO. But for banking, it’s absolutely essential. There’s this enormous power to do with money, right? Where you get to create credit and then charge interest on it and direct where that credit goes and have people come to you cap in hand begging for that credit, because it is, as Ellen pointed out, even if you had a gold currency, that there’s never enough of the actual currency for the economy to work, right?

Robbie Barwick:

The credit is the lifeblood of the economy. So, these private banks, they get to determine all that. If there’s no public alternative that says, “Okay, we are going to make decisions slightly differently for the private banks,” the private banks naturally are accountable to shareholders and they want them to maximise their profits. So, they’re going to pour their credit into things that maximise their profits. They’ll enjoy the boom. They’ll monopolise the boom. And when it goes bad, then they will cut off that credit, foreclose on everybody, call in all those loans. So, they never lose. It’s the poor mug customer that loses and that’s how the private banks work, because their solvency and their profits come first.

Robbie Barwick:

Let us use the power of this credit as a public entity to do the things that actually benefit the economy, benefit the people. Let’s make low interest loans to build infrastructure, to keep important industries solvent and productive, not just solvent but productive. So, agriculture, manufacturing, et cetera. Every loan that public bank makes, Malcolm, will also be profitable, but you don’t have to have quite as much profit. You don’t have to have charge quite as much interest, right? This makes a world of difference. And in fact, because I’d hoped you read Craig Isherwood’s article, I was just brushing up on it before. And they pointed out there that one of the first things that Commonwealth Bank did when it started was the Melbourne Board of Works wanted a loan.

Robbie Barwick:

And in those days, 1913, the only place a government entity like the Melbourne Board of Works could get a loan was from London, the private banks in London. In addition to stiff underwriting charges, the best they could do, the private banks in London, was 1 million pounds at 4.5% interest. So, instead, they turned to Denison Miller, the Governor of the Commonwealth Bank and he offered them 3 million pounds at 4% interest, a lower interest rate. And when asked where the very new bank got all this money from, Denison Miller replied, “On the credit of the nation, it is unlimited.” And under Denison Miller, you’ve read the article, the first decade under Dennison Miller, this bank was spectacular.

Robbie Barwick:

And all it did was use its power as a bank, but for the public benefit. Everything was profitable. It just didn’t have to make a massive profit and Australia benefited from that. And that’s why this is, well, as King O’Malley said, the key pin or the master key to the financial system. This should be the master key. This is what solves all those various problems in the financial system.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, I’m glad you raised that, Robbie, because there were so many things in Craig’s article. The first publicly owned-

Robbie Barwick:

Shipping line.

Malcolm Roberts:

… shipping line in Australia was created through funding and support from the Commonwealth Bank. The Light Horse Brigade was funded by the Commonwealth Bank. There were so many other infrastructure at a local government level, state government level funded by the Commonwealth Bank. It got us on our feet. It basically built us, and it did that by enabling credit. And it took that control out of the hands of the private banks that screw us and keep us under their control, rather than making money out of making us wealthy as a country.

Robbie Barwick:

And importantly, in those examples you’ve given, the private banks, including most importantly, the foreign private banks, the London banks that controlled us, the way the Commonwealth Bank functioned under Denison Miller showed this claim that you would’ve heard in parliament a thousand times, Australia depends on foreign investment. No, we do not.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you.

Robbie Barwick:

We do not. There’s no excuse for $1 of foreign debt.

Malcolm Roberts:

Another example was the second World War and we were poor in terms of having ability to make machine tools. Next thing that grew out of nowhere, because Australians are very resourceful. We’re very clever, very capable, very innovative. We punch above our weight. We’ve been held back by privately owned banks. And when people were given the free rein, look what we did.

Robbie Barwick:

Yeah, exactly. So, the thing with wars, it’s interesting. People like to discount the way a war economy works because of those are special circumstances. That’s what the banks say, right? The only thing that’s special about a war is in the emergency of a war conditions, the governments turn to a public banking option like Australia did in both World Wars, because a war is on the private banks aren’t game to say anything, right? They have to be seen to be supporting the effort. After the war, they go back to attacking the government. No, no, no, you cannot do that. The power of credit has to be back in our hands. So, during the war, when you see what the banks was able to do in both wars, it was extraordinary and it’s also an example.

Malcolm Roberts:

Can you hold that thought and we’ll discuss that very issue after the ad break?

Robbie Barwick:

Sure.

Malcolm Roberts:

Stay tuned. We’ll be right back with Robbie to discuss some really fundamental stuff.

Malcolm Roberts:

Right. Robbie, over to you again, because you’re going to explain how the availability of credit during the war solved The Great Depression. Is that correct?

Robbie Barwick:

Well, no, no. The Great Depression impression was the exception. They didn’t do it in The Great Depression. They did it in the wars.

Malcolm Roberts:

That’s right.

Robbie Barwick:

So, the first one was World War I and you gave some of those examples there, but it was things like the Commonwealth Bank didn’t fund the war per se. It funded part of it that you gave the example of the Light Horseman. And the story of the shipping line was quite extraordinary because we were stranded as a country. All the ships were controlled from the British as well and the Prime Minister Billy Hughes said, “We need ships.” And he said to treasury, “Give me £2 million.” There’s 15 ships available here in London, but he wanted to keep it secret because if it became public, that the Prime Minister of Australia was in the market for 15 ships for Australia, the British privately controlled shipping lines would’ve blocked the sale.

Robbie Barwick:

They didn’t want that. They didn’t want a government shipping line in Australia, right? So, he called back to the treasury in Australia and said, “I need £2 million.” They called Denison Miller and the money was there. He just made the money available. They bought the ships. And that was the beginning of the shipping line that eventually became Australian National Line. So, there were some things they directly did, but what they otherwise did was look after the economy in those war years. And one of the more extraordinary things was the commodities pools that they set up, Malcolm, for things like wheat and other agricultural products that we were producing that in those days we produced… You had a small population.

Robbie Barwick:

We produced for the British market, et cetera, but that was all disrupted. So, they created a pool and the Commonwealth Bank funded that. So, the farmers, when they brought their wheat crop in, they got paid straight away anyway, even though the wheat hadn’t been sold yet, because they’re putting in a pool and then the Commonwealth Bank managed the sale of that wheat over time, but the important thing was to keep the farmers going. So, they all were still productive because there was a war and that’s the thing that it could do. It funded 60 local governments around Australia. And you would’ve noticed that a lot of that funding was in things like very early electricity infrastructure, basic electricity infrastructure, small hydropower plants, this thing.

Robbie Barwick:

This was the early industrialization of Australia. The private banks weren’t going to fund that. These councils could turn to the Commonwealth Bank and the Commonwealth Bank funded it for them, important investments. Malcolm, because in the old days, things were built better than they are today. If you go to some of these places in the list, a lot of this information comes from a great book that was written on the 10th anniversary of the Commonwealth Bank to document all these amazing things it did.

Robbie Barwick:

And if you go to those places that it lists what the Commonwealth Bank invested in this infrastructure, you’d probably find a lot of that infrastructure is still there and still working order to this day, essentially later. This was the early economic development of Australia. World War II, even more spectacular and it was because of the Commonwealth Bank. Until John Curtin and Ben Chifley took over the government in 1942, the Commonwealth Bank had sat there idle as it had done all through the ’30s.

Malcolm Roberts:

Would it be fair to say that the private banks from Wall Street, London, the City of London were actively working with the Labour Party and its so-called conservative opposition to destabilise and undermine the Commonwealth Bank? Rather than just sitting there and used, it was being undermined.

Robbie Barwick:

No, 100%, but this is where a specific understanding in history is important. I know why you say that because of what you know about the Labour Party today. The Labour Party back then was a very different animal. It was the Labour Party that was fighting for the bank to be used properly. It was the Menzies’ liberals who were completely in the pockets of the private banks in London who made sure it wasn’t. And in the early ’30s, when they needed it the most, we had 25% male unemployment in Australia, Malcolm.

Malcolm Roberts:

Geez.

Robbie Barwick:

We were being crushed in The Depression and there was a proposal to get The Commonwealth Bank to issue £18 million. Six million pounds was to go to farmers. Twelve million pounds was to go to public works. That was the proposal of the labour government then in 1931 and the former Queensland premier, who was a treasurer named Ted Theodore. The Head of the Commonwealth Bank, so Robert Gibson said, “You are asking me to inflate the money supply. I tell you, I bloody well won’t.” Now, forget what he said about inflation, because that’s a longer story. It was quite overstated. The issue there was a public servant defied the order of the government that owned his bank. He was just the manager of it, right?

Robbie Barwick:

And this led to the 1937 Royal Commission on Banking. And that Royal Commission ruled that that public servant was wrong. He should have followed the orders, but why did he defy it? Because in those years, the bank was run by a board that he was the chairman of and all those boards were representative of the private sector. And they were very much in the pockets of the private banks who didn’t want the Commonwealth Bank to function like it had function under Miller. As soon as Miller died in 1922, I think it was or 1923, Malcolm, there had been a single governor up to that point. They replaced him with the board.

Robbie Barwick:

So, you would never have someone of that noise again, because they had the right person in the right place at the right time, who could show what the bank would do. And they had a board which was a representative of private banks and private industry and they made sure in the next 28 years, it didn’t do anything. So, you’re right. They were actively suppressing it. And it was the Labour Party that fought very, very hard over this and people like John Curtin was at the centre of those fights. So, when he came to power in 1942, he knew he had a tool at his disposal, which was the Commonwealth Bank. And in those years from 1942 to 1949, when Labour lost office, those seven years are the high watermark of the Commonwealth Bank.

Robbie Barwick:

They showed what the Commonwealth Bank is capable of, even more extraordinary than World War I, because it also had the powers of a central bank by then. It got to tell the private banks directly what to do, not just compete with them. And the combination led to the greatest economic transformation in a short period of time probably the world had ever seen. We were an agrarian backwater economy and that’s why that machine tool example is such a good one. In three years, we went from an economy that relied on imports for everything. We mainly provided raw materials to the British, et cetera. We went from that to an economy that could literally produce anything. And machine tools are very complicated.

Robbie Barwick:

They are the machines that make the machines. They represent how really productive an economy is. We went from importing them all to making our own. There was nothing that was beyond the capabilities of Australians and it’s instructed the way the Labour Government did it because they weren’t ideological, Malcolm. They knew they had the Commonwealth Bank to fund it, but who did they turn to run the actual wartime mobilisation? They turned to a blue blood to them, someone that is socialist. The Labour Party was socialist, et cetera. They turned to a captain of industry Essington Lewis from BHP.

Malcolm Roberts:

Oh, yes.

Robbie Barwick:

And in those days, BHP was not a mining company, right? It was a mining company, but it was a steel maker. That’s what BHP was. And Lewis ran it and he had developed a really good relationship with Ben Chifley, but nothing would’ve happened without the funding and the Commonwealth Bank provided that. And it was extraordinary. We could produce ships, we could produce planes, we could produce machine tools. We could do anything. By the end of the war, we were approaching something like the high 20s as a percentage of our economy of manufacturing.

Robbie Barwick:

And by the late ’50s, it peaked at the mid-30s. About 33% or 35% of our economy was manufacturing. Today, it’s less than 5%. It’s tiny. It’s pathetic. It’s been smashed completely, right? But it was a transformation that was powered by the Commonwealth Bank because the long term investments that it required, the Commonwealth Bank was able to do that. And in this article, we show the charts of government spending and how the money issued by the Commonwealth Bank fueled that government spending.

Malcolm Roberts:

Let me just repeat the title of that article. It’s called, The Australian Precedents, E-N-T-S, for a Hamiltonian Credit System. The author’s name is Craig Isherwood, I-S-H-E-R-W-O-O-D. At the time, he was the Citizens Electoral Council National Secretary. Where can they get that article? Where can people get that article?

Robbie Barwick:

That’s on our website, www.citizensparty.org.au. If it’s hard to find, they can call out tollfree number 1800-636-432 and ask for a copy of it.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay. Just a quick little snippet, I’ve just had this realisation that Menzies has given the credit for opening up Australia, but what I think had happened now is… Some lights dawned on the wood heap in my brain. … Labour as a result of the second World War built the capacity, our productive capacity for manufacturing. After the second World War, Europe was devastated. Japan and China were devastated.

Malcolm Roberts:

The only large manufacturing facility available was in America, which had not been attacked apart from Pearl Harbour, and good old Australia where we had the raw materials as well. So, we actually then put that productive capacity to work. And it wasn’t Menzies at all who deserves the credit. It was really the Labour Party under Curtin and Chifley. Is that right?

Robbie Barwick:

I’m firmly of that view. Now that said, I will give Menzies the credit for not stuffing it up as such, though I’ve got some specific criticism.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, hang on, hang on. He bought in the double taxation legislation in 1953, which enabled foreign and Maldives nationals to completely avoid paying company tax in this country, which has really hurt us long term.

Robbie Barwick:

No, no, no. There’s a lot of those things that he does. Don’t worry, you got to hold me back not to blast Robert Menzies, but what I mean by not stuffing it up is by the time Curtin and Chifley, the government, left office in 1949, the zeitgeist had changed. The public expectations had changed. In fact, it’s known as the post-war settlement. This was universal around the world.

Robbie Barwick:

The kind of economic policy represented by what Roosevelt had done in America in the 1930s that Ellen Brown described with the reconstruction finance corporation using a public bank to invest in infrastructure and industry. We did it in World War II. You know the first thing the Labour Government in Britain did after World War II when they replaced Churchill was nationalise the Bank of England. Up until then, the Bank of England had been a privately owned bank for 150 years.

Malcolm Roberts:

From 1694 when it was formed, it had been a private bank.

Robbie Barwick:

Exactly. The first thing they did was nationalised it because they were copying Australia’s success, right? We set the tone and the expectations changed. So, when Menzies took office, he knew that he couldn’t buck that system now. People expected that there would be this public presence in the economy, but I’ll give you an example of why Menzies doesn’t deserve very much credit at all. The great Snowy Mountains Scheme, the defining infrastructure project of our history. Robert Menzies boycotted the opening of that in 1949. He opposed it. And only when it was immensely popular while he was prime minister, because it was Chifley who started it, he then went to the opening of the first stage, the second stage, et cetera, to capitalise.

Robbie Barwick:

But the fact he boycotted it was an ideological position he had and he even tried to sabotage it. He didn’t succeed, but that project was supposed to be funded by the Commonwealth Bank, Malcolm. And when he took office in 1949, he scrapped all that and he would only fund it out of revenue, the annual budget. And even then, he made the project, the Snowy Mountains Authority pay 5% interest to the government on the money that it gave them to fund the project, right? Whereas that could have all been done off the annual budget through the Commonwealth Bank, which is what the original plan had been.

Malcolm Roberts:

As I understand it, Robbie, Menzies tried to undermine the Snowy Mountains Scheme and McKell stood up to him and gave him hell and read the right act to him. Menzies pulled back his horns, but didn’t help it too much.

Robbie Barwick:

No. That would make sense, because I was going to say, the other man in the Menzies era who deserves credit for keeping him in line was Black Jack McEwen. Because Curtin and Chifley created the productive capacity of Australia. Black Jack McEwen did everything in his power to protect it, to make sure it survived, it lasted, right? In this era that we are in, the neoliberal era, all those policies that these guys stood for, they’re criticised for. I mean these liberals are so extreme now. These neoliberal liberals that you’ve been dealing with in parliament are so extreme now that by their standards, they would call Menzies a socialist. And of course, Menzies is the last thing. Menzies was a socialist.

Robbie Barwick:

It’s just that Menzies had to accept and everyone accepted in those days that you needed to have a public presence, including a public bank. The existence of the public bank, even when Menzies neutralised it a bit in 1959, he split the reserve bank function off from the Commonwealth Bank to weaken its power. Even when that happened, though, just the existence of the Commonwealth Bank and the Commonwealth Development Bank, as something the private banks had to compete with and the Commonwealth Development Bank was able to issue long term credit. It was able to provide flexible lending for farmers and all those things. It still performed a very useful function in the economy that helped stabilise the economy until Keating finally scrapped it in the mid-90s.

Malcolm Roberts:

Something for you to think about, we may or may not discuss it after, I’d like to continue with the priorities on the banking. But to me, the Labour Party is the party in the history. Even though I disagree with this ideology, the Labour Party in the era of Curtin and Chifley and some of the early Labour Party prime ministers were dinky-di. They were fair dinkum Australians. They were doing what they thought was the best for the country. Now whether you agree with them or not, that’s another thing.

Malcolm Roberts:

But what I’m saying is they were genuine. I do not see that in today’s Labour Party. They do not look after the worker. Their policies are selling out to the globalists. They’re completely enemy of the worker. Same with the liberal, the modern liberals are really socialists in many ways, because what I see, Robbie, is both Labour Party and the Liberal Nationals cow towering to the major banks and doing the bidding of the banks and the globalist predators through the UN, the World Economic Forum. That’s where we’ve gone. So, Menzies was far, far better than today’s liberals. Curtin and Chifley were immensely better than today’s Labour Party.

Robbie Barwick:

They were patriots.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you.

Robbie Barwick:

They fought for sovereignty. And yeah, in terms of modern labour, they’ll be outraged at me saying this, they hate our party for saying it, but they bear no resemblance at all to the old Labour Party. And even the last hurrah of old labour and it was slightly messier, even the Whitlam government, there was an economic component to the Whitlam government where they tried to do things that if they had to succeeded would’ve been incredibly useful now, but because it involved this issue of taking on the private sector and the private banks and the private resources companies was a big one, a really big one. They wanted to buy back the farm. What’s his name?

Malcolm Roberts:

Connor.

Robbie Barwick:

Rex Connor was the real soul of old labour in the old Labour Party and so was the treasurer, Jim Cairns who was quite a lefty, but a very, very decent person. I got to know Jim in his final years and he told me something. He had been the treasurer under Whitlam. And you know what he told me? He knew that Labour did not have to… Those loans that eventually brought them down, those foreign-

Malcolm Roberts:

King O’Malley loans.

Robbie Barwick:

… King O’Malley loans, the attempt to borrow those loans, that was not their first preference. He knew they didn’t have to borrow at all. They could have used the reserve bank as a national bank again, but unfortunately, the politics had changed and he and Connor could not persuade their colleagues to do so. And so, then they went to London and Wall Street, which is where they usually went. But those banks wouldn’t lend for the programme that Connor and Whitlam and Cairns wanted, which was to encourage Australian ownership of Australian resources. That’s what they wanted to do. Those banks wouldn’t lend that.

Malcolm Roberts:

We have to go to an ad break now, Robbie. So, everyone will be back straight after the ad break with Robbie Barwick. And let’s talk first of all about King O’Malley coming from a family of bankers and then maybe talk about whatever you want to talk about, Robbie. You take the show home for the last 10 minutes or so.

Robbie Barwick:

I’ll go with Wayne.

Malcolm Roberts:

Welcome back and people all over the world will be very interested in the figures I’m about to give before I ask Robbie to take the show home. This is from Craig Ishwood’s article, a paper presented to the federal cabinet calculated the value difference in exporting bauxite, which is raw material for aluminium versus processed aluminium in $19.70. One million tonnes of bauxite exported as the raw material, bauxite, earned 5 million back then. Processed one step into alumina, it earned $27 million, five times as much. Processed again into aluminium, it earned $125 million. That’s 25 times as much, but wait for it. When processed finally into aluminium products, it would earn $600 million.

Malcolm Roberts:

Robbie, we have become a quarry and we are letting people overseas get the value added. And it comes back to what King O’Malley did. King O’Malley was a banker, came from a banking family. He was a yank and he came out of here and he represented Australia and Federal Parliament and became a member of the Fisher government that enacted the Commonwealth Bank legislation. He knew how currency is issued and he knew that it should be in government hands.

Robbie Barwick:

This was the gospel he preached. He gave the speech in parliament in 1909 and it went for five hours, Malcolm, this speech. They didn’t have limits like you have to deal with in those days. And in that speech where he laid out exactly how the Commonwealth Bank should work, because it was legislated a few years later, he said, “I am the Alexander Hamilton of Australia.” He was the greatest financial genius to ever walk the earth and his ideas have never been improved upon. And that was a reflection of the fact that he was an American. He grew up in the American system.

Robbie Barwick:

In his lifetime, he’d seen the effects of what Abraham Lincoln did during the Civil War using greenbacks to help fund the transcontinental railway line, which opened up the United States. The boom of productivity in the United States from the Civil War onwards around that investment has only been matched by what we’ve seen in China in the last 30 years. This was incredible in the United States in those years. And it was done using these American Hamiltonian methods and that’s what he was saying. He knew Australia’s potential, right? This is what we need.

Robbie Barwick:

And from the time he landed here in the late 1880s until he got that bank, he just did nothing but preached the gospel of national banking from one end of the country to the other, until he got it, until he persuaded them to set it up. And then the rest was history. I got something to read to you. A few years ago, we did some archive work in the National Library up there in Canberra. And we stumbled across this letter that O’Malley in 1937 when he was very old wrote to Franklin Roosevelt then the president. In the letter, he was introducing to Roosevelt, an economics writer, Dr. LC Jauncey, who was a friend of his. Then he gave a little bit of this history and it’s worth reading.

Robbie Barwick:

He said, “I had the honour of forcing the Commonwealth Bank onto the Australian statute book after 10 years of fighting in parliament while I was Minister for Home Affairs. Nobody would second it. We gave the late Denison Miller $50,000 to start the bank. And at the end of six months, he returned it and that is all the capital we ever put into the bank. Since its foundation, it has made $200 million net profit for the Australian taxpayers and now has a capital of over $50 million in reserves.”

Robbie Barwick:

And then he said, “I do hope Mr. President that before you retire, you will transform all the reserve regional banks or the federal reserve into government banks so that the American people will have the profits for themselves as we have here.” So, he kept his American patriotism as well and he’d succeeded in doing it here. And he wanted the Americans to reign in the fed and turned the fed into a proper national bank, which of course, it’s not, because it’s privately controlled.

Malcolm Roberts:

Robbie, we have three minutes until we have to start winding up.

Robbie Barwick:

Here’s the solution. Here’s what I want people to think about in terms of a solution that is immediately available to Australians, Malcolm. We can bring back a national bank. We can bring back the Commonwealth Bank through a stepwise process. And the first step is to start a type of bank that’s actually quite common around the world, but quite effective. And it’s a postal bank and that’s how the Commonwealth Bank started anyway. When they set it up in 1912, there were no bank branches and they used the post officers as bank branches. And what we propose is let’s get a public bank again, a public bank that the public can use. Not just own, but use it, but you can put your deposits in there.

Robbie Barwick:

They’ll be safe from financial speculation. They’ll be safe from things like bail-in, because it’s 100% government guaranteed. Your branch won’t shut down because we have this network of post officers right around Australia, right? There’s 1,500 towns in Australia that don’t have any banks, but they have post officers, right? So, your branch won’t shut down. It will always be there for face-to-face banking services. It will lend loans into local communities, because that’s what a lot of private banks, most of them don’t care about that. They’ve got one obsession, which is mortgages in the big markets. You can do that. And most important, it’ll break their monopoly. The big four are effectively… They’re an oligopoly, but they’re effectively a cartel.

Robbie Barwick:

So, you might as well call them a monopoly. If they have to go back to competing with a public option like they did for 80 years in Australia, that breaks that monopoly, they will have to compete again. They’ll have to compete on services. They’ll have to compete on the way they provide credit, right? They will see that if they don’t lift their standards, they will lose their customers to this public bank. The public bank’s going to get a lot of customers anyway. And I’ve found in talking to a lot of people across the board in parliament, I talked to all the parties, Malcolm, as you know, there is broad support for this. Even in the major parties, there’s support for this idea. But see, what happens is that every party has specific agendas, et cetera.

Robbie Barwick:

The big two major parties, they don’t have institutional support at the top, but they have individual MPs who support it. That has to be galvanised, right? If the public realise how important this solution is to the number one control over our economy and how it works and get behind this campaign, this is something we can force through into the political agenda in Australia and actually get it passed. We need to use a policy like this to get the Labour Party to go back to its roots. We talked about Labour being different to the old Labour. That’s in terms of parliamentarians. What you find at the grassroots of the Labour Party, Malcolm, the union guy, who’s still the union guy and in the Labour Party, et cetera, they think their party’s a sellout.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. Yeah.

Robbie Barwick:

Let’s get them rallying around these policies that used to be fine. We’ve got a Labour government now. Let’s force this Labour government to go back to its own tradition.

Malcolm Roberts:

Amen, amen to that. This is why a public bank is one-nation policy. The key area that we have to win though, is the narrative because the media has denigrated it, but it will bring back accountability. And I want to thank you so much, Robbie, for coming on, just being your normal frank, blunt self. Thank you so much and your informed self. You come with the facts and the data.

Robbie Barwick:

Thanks for the invitation.

Malcolm Roberts:

We’d like to have you back again, because we can also talk about-

Robbie Barwick:

No worries.

Malcolm Roberts:

… peace being a very, very formative time, not just war, for currency creation in government hands.

Robbie Barwick:

Yes. Yes. Hear, hear.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you, Robbie.

I talk to author and activist Ellen Brown on banking, debt and the need for a people’s bank.

Ellen Brown is an American author, attorney, public speaker, and advocate for financial reform, in particular public banking.

She is the founder and chairman of the Public Banking Institute, a nonpartisan think tank devoted to the creation of publicly-owned banks. She is the author of thirteen books and over 350 articles published globally.

Ellen began her career as an attorney practicing civil litigation in Los Angeles. Her interest in financial reform was sparked during 11 years spent in Africa and South America, where she began to explore solutions to the challenges of the developing world. She researched the private banking cartels, their hegemony over Wall Street and control of the Federal Reserve.   She also looked at public banking, which she discovered is a very successful model. The only operating state-owned public bank in the United States today is the Bank of North Dakota and has been touted as outperforming the big Wall Street banks.

In 2007 Ellen published the first edition of her best-selling book Web of Debt (now in its 5th edition). The book details how the private banking cartels have usurped the power to create money from the people themselves and how the people can get it back. Her writings proved prescient, as the financial collapse of 2008 laid bare the systemic problems she had identified.

In her 2013 book The Public Bank Solution, she traces the evolution of two banking models that have historically competed—public and private—and explores contemporary public banking systems around the world. Her latest book is Banking on the People: Democratizing Finance in the Digital Age (2019).

The Web of Debt is one of the best books I’ve read. Ellen is a dynamic woman with considerable energy and extraordinary research skills. Amazingly, much of her research was done painstakingly before use of the internet became widespread.

Transcript

Speaker 1:

This is the Malcolm Roberts Show on Today’s News Talk radio, TNT.

Malcolm Roberts:

This is Senator Malcolm Roberts. This is Today’s News Talk radio tntradio.live. I want to thank you for having me as your guest, whether it’s in your car, your kitchen, your lounge, your shed, or wherever you are right now. As regular listeners understand there are two most important themes for my programme. Firstly, freedom and specifically the age old freedom versus control challenge. Secondly, personal responsibility and integrity. Both are fundamental for human progress and for people’s livelihoods.

Malcolm Roberts:

On this show, we’re going to talk about money, money, money. We’re going to cover the eighth and final key to human progress. So I’ll list those eight keys to human progress. The first is freedom, the second is rule of law, the third is stable constitutional succession. The fourth is secure private property rights. The fifth, sorry, I’m losing track of counting. The fifth is strong families, sixth affordable, efficient, reliable energy.

Malcolm Roberts:

Then we did the next one last time, which is taxation. And this one, the eighth key is honest money. Now I’ve just introduced the word there honest money. We’re going to learn today from international and Australian experts about something we all take for granted. That’s right money. Think about it. It’s intimately involved in almost every aspect of our lives yet we take it so much for granted that we don’t see where it is, where it comes from. And we are living in misery at times. So many people living in misery.

Malcolm Roberts:

I’m going to refer to a quote from my website on the CSIRO looking at what’s pushing the global climate scam, but I’m going to quote from Ellen Brown’s book, where she’s referring to Louis McFadden, who is a senior member of the American House of Representatives, quote, “In 1934, he filed a petition for articles of impeachment against the Federal Reserve Board charging the Federal Reserve Bank with fraud, conspiracy, unlawful conversion, and treason.

Malcolm Roberts:

Then I’m going to quote from his speech where he spoke of one instance of 60,000 home and farm owners losing their property to bankers at one stage of the great depression. Here’s what he said. Their children are the new slaves of the auction blocks in the revival of the institution of human slavery. A document that I referred to called the Bankers Manifesto of 1934 added weight to these claims from these charges from McFadden, an update of the banker’s manifestation of 1892. It was reportedly published in the civil servant’s yearbook in January 1934 and in the New American in February, 1934 and was circulated privately among leading bankers.

Malcolm Roberts:

It said in part, ‘Capital must protect itself in every way through combination monopoly and through legislation,” that’s controlling governments. “Debts must be collected and loans and mortgages foreclosed as soon as possible.” Now listen to this bit. When through a process of law, the common people have lost their homes, they will be more tractable and more easily governed by the strong arm of the law applied by the central power of wealth under control of leading financiers.

Malcolm Roberts:

People without homes will not quarrel with their leaders. This is well known among principle men now engaged in forming an imperialism of capital to govern the world. Now, Australian speaker and researcher, John MacRae cites the same quote independently via another credible publication. Note that the bankers rely on what they falsely refer to as the law yet they are in their dominant and powerful position due to supposedly legalised legislation past deceitfully and in breach of the American constitution in breach of the American constitution.

Malcolm Roberts:

Their position is legal in that it’s legislated yet it’s fraudulent and thus unlawful that enables the people to remove it using the law. So what I wanted to discuss today with two very credentialed people is covering the basics of what is money? What do banks provide? Why are they so powerful? Who pays for the transfer of wealth from people and businesses to banks? So we will learn today how money is not honest. And we will learn today what is honest money?

Malcolm Roberts:

My first guest for this hour is Ellen Hodgson Brown. She’s an American author, attorney, public speaker and advocate for financial reform in particular in public banking. She’s the founder and chairman of the Public Banking Institute, a nonpartisan think tank devoted to the creation of publicly owned banks. She’s the author of 13 books and over 350 articles published globally. Much of a research was done before the access to the web, the worldwide web. An amazing woman.

Malcolm Roberts:

Ellen began her career as an attorney, practising civil litigation in Los Angeles. Her interest in financial reform was sparked during 11 years spent in Africa and South America, where she began to explore solutions to the challenges of the developing world.

Malcolm Roberts:

That’s why I love people who look around and see what’s going on. She researched the private banking cartels, the hegemony money over wall street and control of the federal reserve bank. She looked at public banking which she discovered as a very successful model, a very successful model, it’s successful in Australia in last century as well. The only operating state-owned public bank in the United States today is the Bank of North Dakota and has been touted as outperforming the big Wall Street banks. Every year it’s made a profit since it started.

Malcolm Roberts:

In 2007, Ellen published the first edition of her best selling book, The Web of Debt and it’s now in its fifth edition. And I can thoroughly recommend that. I’ve read it. The book details, how the private banking cartels have usurped the power to create money from the people themselves and how the people can get it back.

Malcolm Roberts:

Her writings prove prescient as the financial collapse of 2008, laid bare the systemic problems that she had identified. In her 2013 book, The Public Bank Solution, she traces the evolution of two banking models that have historically competed, public and private, and explores contemporary public banking systems around the world. The latest book is Banking On the People Democratising Finance in the Digital age and it was published in 2019. The Web of Debt is one of the best books I’ve ever read. Ellen is a dynamic intelligent woman with considerable energy and extraordinary research skills. Welcome Ellen.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, thanks Malcolm. It’s great to be talking to you. I’ve seen you on some little video clips lately, and you’re doing great work there.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you very much. And I’d like to talk about your work today. We always start Ellen with something you appreciate. What’s something you appreciate anything at all?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, I appreciate all the ordinary things that everybody appreciates, family and friends and health, and I used to appreciate travel, but I haven’t travelled since COVID. I think one advantage or one good thing about these lockdowns and about crises in general is that makes you appreciate things that you used to take for granted, like being out in public and able to breathe without having a mask on your face, simple things, or being able to travel without jumping through a lot of hoops that I’m not willing to jump through.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

But one thing I really appreciate is the computer. Because when I first started writing books, we didn’t have access like we have now. And I had two small children and I dragged these two kids up and down the elevators in the UCLA library with these great heavy books, xeroxing studies and you’d get them home and they wouldn’t be what you really needed or it would refer to something else that you didn’t have access to. And now everything’s just at your fingertips, which is quite amazing, a whole world of knowledge, plus the ability to see into other countries and what people are doing around the world and get a sense of you can travel without actually travelling.

Malcolm Roberts:

So I was filled with admiration for you. We’ve talked before you took part in the Senate hearings rather on lending to rural and primary production customers. And you did a marvellous job there. We’ve talked before on the phone, I’ve read your books. I was stunned that you’d done most of your research before the internet and now I’m even more stunned because you were carting two girls around with you wherever you went. How did you do that?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

One girl one boy.

Malcolm Roberts:

One girl one boy. Okay, well I’ve got to be fair 50:50. How did you do that?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

That’s the thing. It took a lot of legwork. So I never go into libraries anymore. It’s all just right there. I did see that there was somebody at the World Economic Forum said that the Metaverse is going to be more real to us than our real lives. Well, I hope not but that is sort of the computer is a whole world in itself with great depth. It’s censor, of course you can’t always be sure you’re getting real information, but it’s incredibly interesting.

Malcolm Roberts:

Well, I know you’re a very strong woman, a very determined woman. I’d like to explore that a little bit later on, a very strong human in fact. I don’t distinguish between men and women in that sense, women are incredibly strong. I asked you before we were putting this together a couple of weeks ago, your idea of what you’d like to talk about. And you said you only see one substantive pro question for you and that’s proposed questions about solutions.

Malcolm Roberts:

You suggested some. What can we do about our unsustainable unrepayable sovereign debts? The US federal debt is now $30 trillion, not counting unfunded future liabilities. Second question, what to do about inflation. Third question, how to make banks and banking work for the people. Fourth question, how to make national currencies honest? So they’re the questions I’d like to ask. But first of all, I think we have to define the problem. So let’s define the problem. Let’s understand the issue, which is the problem. So what’s money Ellen?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, economists say there are three critical factors in money, which is, it has to be a medium of exchange, a unit of account and a store of value. So virtually everything we call money today, doesn’t really qualify on all those points are not very well. Store value, that value keeps fluctuating. Well, even gold. I have some gold and I have some gold stocks and I totally think it’s a good idea but it does fluctuate a lot. And so it can go up $50 in a day. I think just from reading your email, I suspect you favour a gold backed currency, but it didn’t work in the 19th century. That’s why we went to Fiat money anyway. So there’s that. That’s one definition.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

There’s M1, M2, M3, the way the Federal Reserve defines it or M0 to start with. So those are all different levels of how liquid the money is or how accessible. So M0, they get kind of confused together, but say M1 is cash, which is obviously very fungible and your bank reserve or your bank deposits. And then bank reserves are created by the Federal Reserve and you can’t actually spend those, but those are I think they’re called M0. Anyway, M2 is the larger circulating money supply. M3 they no longer even count it anymore, but it included all the shadow banking, which is unregulated forms of money. I just read that estimates are that there are $50 trillion in Euro dollars traded every single day. And these are totally unregulated. The Federal Reserve has no control over them, they’re called dollars but they’re not even really dollars. They’re Euro dollars means any dollars created outside of the United States. So it could be Japan or anywhere.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

And they’re really just banking accounting. It’s an accounting thing where they’re basically creating credit and credits and debits that there’s no physical paper involved. Anyway, it’s a huge amount of money it’s in the shadow banking system, nobody knows for sure even how much it is. It’s certainly not transparent. It’s not trackable at all but it’s between banks. It’s legitimate. Apparently banks can’t operate without it. And I remember reading that on the gold system, the only reason it really worked was that you had a lot of credit that ways of expanding credit besides the gold, because there’s just not enough gold to do all the trades that need to be done.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Even if you take one single product, I think there’s [inaudible 00:14:31] was talking about this and he, he has a gold bug, but he said that to do like a hundred dollars product, you have to do many hundred dollars worth of credits because every producer in the chain of production operates on credit. So they have to pay their workers and materials before they get paid. And then the next step up also needs. So they would also need gold if we were only operating in gold. So you can’t do it in just one metal. The Euro Asian Economic Union that’s headed by Sergei Glazyev. I just wrote an article on that. They’re proposing a new monetary system where it wouldn’t be backed by gold in the sense of that you could take your dollars and cash them in for gold at the bank, which is what you actually could do in the 19th century.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

And that’s what happened. That’s what went wrong in the 1930s to ’33 collapsed where people were rushing to the bank and trading in their dollars for gold. The banks didn’t have that much gold and they were on a fractional reserve system. So they only had a certain percentage of actual gold. So they ran out of gold so the banks then went bankrupt. So you’ve got to have credit on top of your gold in some way. But anyway, so the Russian system that is being proposed and that maybe our new banking system is, it’s not exactly backed in the sense of you can cash in your dollars for gold, but it’s measured against.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

So it becomes a stable unit of value because it’s measured against a basket of commodities and currencies when I wrote Web of Debt, I was proposing that you could use the cost of living index. In other words, a basket of things that everybody uses. And then you could figure out what the value or how much it would cost in dollars, how much it would cost and pay us, et cetera. And that would be your exchange rate rather than what we have now, where exchange rates are easily manipulated by speculators that short sell the currencies. And we’ve had several crises over that. Anyway, so what money is, is very fluid.

Malcolm Roberts:

Wow. What an answer controversial, sorry your last word

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

And controversial.

Malcolm Roberts:

Controversial. I was just about to summarise it. I asked you a simple question, simple question. Money, what is it? No, no, you’ve done a brilliant job. It’s a medium of exchange, which enables people to exchange my work for someone else’s goods and someone else makes a different product. So he makes butter and he exchanges it with someone who makes clothes and she makes clothes. So it enables an exchange of… It’s a medium of exchange. So we have to have that. Otherwise, it’s back to barter system. And a medium of exchange enables us to specialise, which gives us efficiency.

Malcolm Roberts:

The butter maker will be far better at making butter than I will be. And I don’t have to have the dairy cattle to make the butter. Then you also said, it’s a unit of accounting. It’s a measure of an account. And then you also said, it’s a store of value. So wonderfully, clearly they’re the three things. And then you went on with how liquid the money is, the bank reserves, unstable, shadow banking, credit, fractional reserve, a stable unit of value, manipulated, speculators. It’s a real mess. It’s a real nightmare. No wonder people don’t take much interest in this because it’s so damn complex yet let’s try and simplify it before we get onto your-

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Yeah, well, I should have… The most important thing and the most what you might consider fraudulent thing is that it’s not created by the government. Virtually all of our money is created by banks when they make loans, which I actually think is a good thing. We need a credit system and that’s a way to do a credit system. But the problem is who controls the banks? Who owns the banks? Who has first access to the money, which is called the can Cantillon effect. Whoever gets their hands on the money. First is most able to profit from it. So obviously the private banks, Wall Street, City of London, et cetera, they can create money on their books for their cl their favourite clients who may be one big cartel.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

And so they have easy access to cheap money and they can raise the rates to whatever they want on the rest of us. So, anyway, there’s the problem is that money is created by banks. They do it by double entry bookkeeping. So if you go to the bank to take out a loan, let’s say you want to buy a house and you take out a loan for $500,000, the bank will write $500,000 on one side of its books just into your deposit account, your checking account. And you can now write checks on that. And on the other side of their books, they’ll write the same $500,000 as an asset because you have agreed to pay that back. You’ve signed a mortgage, et cetera. You’ll pay that back plus interest.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Whereas, on the deposit that they wrote on the other side of the books is a liability to them because when you pay your seller, if the seller is in another bank, then the bank will have to come up with that 500,000, which they probably don’t have. What they do is they borrow it somewhere. So they borrow it. It used to be, they borrowed it in the Fed funds market from each other, but they don’t do that much anymore although that’s the interest rate that the Fed is allegedly raising and that’s supposed to cure inflation, which it absolutely won’t right now under these circumstances. We know it’s not that kind of inflation. But anyway, so now I lost my train of thought.

Malcolm Roberts:

So what, what you’ve talked about now is there’s the way the banks create money. I’m not bragging here, but I went to the University of Chicago, which is in the city of Chicago, as you know and it’s won more Nobel prizes for economics and finance than any other university in the world anywhere. So it’s got a very good name for finance, and they never told us that. They never told us how they create money, who controls the money creation and what you’ve just said, I’m going to give you an example to back you up in a minute but what you’ve just said is that banks create money in the first place by ledger entries, journal entries. And I can confirm that because I asked the Deputy Governor of Reserve Bank of Australia, Guy Debelle, he was the deputy governor at the time.

Malcolm Roberts:

And I said, so what you’re saying is that money is created using journal entries. And he looked at me hesitated, and then he said, “Electronic journal entries.” So it’s created as some people would say, it’s not quite right, but it’s created out of thin air. And as you just said, the person who creates the money has the greatest control, but then these same people, privately owned banks, the same people control the Federal Reserve Bank, the same people determine interest rates. The same people determine the money supply, how easy it is to get money. So they really control the government. They really control the economy, don’t they?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Right. And also to confirm that in 2014, that the Bank of England came out in their first quarterly report and said contrary to popular belief, banks do not act simply as intermediaries taking in deposits and lending them out again. In fact, banks create money when they make loans. And in fact, they said that 97% of the money supply is created in that way. So that was confirming what used to be conspiracy theory before that. When I wrote about it, in Web of Debt, it was considered quite controversial but now everybody agrees. That’s how it’s done.

Malcolm Roberts:

So what we’ve got here is a money creation system that’s privately owned and privately controlled in large measure. And you wrote very glowingly of the Commonwealth Bank, Australia’s Commonwealth bank early last century. And rightly so, you did a very good job on that. However, it was a rarity. And so the Commonwealth Bank had to be killed because it provided competition for the private banks, Wall Street and the City of London banks did not like it at all. It held them accountable, it controlled the money and it had to go and both Labour and Liberal party governments over the last a hundred years have well until 1995, ’96, when Keating sold off the last of the Commonwealth Bank.

Malcolm Roberts:

It was destroyed over a period of about 70 years. And my next guest will explore that further. So money is important in an economy. It’s important to economic health. You’ve already talked about how we measure it. M1, M2, M3, M0, volume of money. You’ve talked about the fact that money is not honest. Money is controlled, so let’s go on banks. What’s their role in relation to money Ellen?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, as the Bank of England is confirmed they’re not merely intermediaries taking in money and lending it out again. They’re actually creating the money, which sounds shocking but actually we do need that sort of system. We need a credit system. The question is just who owns the bank and who controls the bank. As you’ve said, the Commonwealth Bank of Australia originally was an excellent model. We’ve had several quite good models too. Historically Alexander Hamilton’s original plan was to have that sort of infrastructure and development bank in the end, it wound up privatised over his objection. He didn’t think that stocks should be… Well, it was sold to foreigners over his objection. But anyway, that was the intention was sovereign money and sovereign credit. And of course the American colonists started out with sovereign money, which was original to them at the time, not counting the fact that the Chinese did it like about a thousand years ago.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

But for Western civilization, anyway, that was unique that we didn’t have money. The colonies didn’t have money. And so it was the Governor of Massachusetts in 1691 I think who got the bright idea of paying his soldiers, but just by issuing these little receipts, which were considered an advance against taxes, which was the same system as the tally system which was done by the British from like 1100 to 1700, something like that where they would split a… Well, I hope I’m not getting too far out.

Malcolm Roberts:

No, no, keep going.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Okay. So in the tally system, they took a stick and notched it. So it was an accounting system and then they split the stick. And since no two sticks split the same way, it was foolproof against forgeries. So you could put the sticks together. So the government kept one half the stick, and then the payee kept the other, other half of the stick. And then those sticks circulated in the economy as money. And that’s basically the same thing that the American colonist paper money was, which was, and you’d pay it to somebody who had delivered goods or services to the government. So the collective body of the people acknowledged that this was a debt owed to this person or whatever. And then that paper would circulate in the economy and when tax time rolled around, you could use it to pay taxes.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

We actually did that in California in 2008, but the problem was that the government, the local government wouldn’t take the money back in taxes. So it did work. It would work, it works as an advance, but you have to agree to use this to take it back. And that’s what does give it its value and stability and so forth. But anyway, it worked well for the colonists, except for the fact that it was a lot easier to issue the money than to pull it back in taxes. Because these are frontiers when they didn’t like the idea of taxes in the first place, they were kind of hard to nail down.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

We didn’t have a computer system at that time. But anyway, it worked pretty well except that they wound up hyper inflating or over printing and devaluing the currency until the Pennsylvanians, the Quakers in Pennsylvania got the idea of forming their own bank. So instead of just printing money and spending it, they printed money and lent it to the farmers. So that’s the ideal. That was the first US public bank was this the Pennsylvania state or colonial bank where they printed money, lent it to the farmers at 5% interest, which at that time was a quite good interest rate. And then the farmers would pay it back. So it went out and it came back. So it was stabilised. It was sustainable. It wasn’t just money going out and going out and going out.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay. So we’re going to go for an ad break now, but before we do, I’ll just make a statement that we can ponder over the ad break. Ron Paul who’s very, very highly regarded. Former Senator says that the Federal Reserve Bank in America is neither federal, it’s not a government body, nor has it got any reserves. It’s a privately owned entity. Beyond the reach of the president, beyond the reach of Congress. And that leads to complete absence of restraints on bank’s power.

Malcolm Roberts:

Now we have bailouts and we have bail ins, which have been enabled to protect the banks at the cost of the everyday Australian. We’ve seen you’ve documented the international role and power of banking associations, like the bank for international settlements, the world bank, the international monetary foundation, their role in ruining nations and making nations dependent. The IMF international monetary I’ve forgotten what’s the F for? Foundation. I’ve forgotten.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Fund. International Monetary Fund.

Malcolm Roberts:

Thank you. I just had a complete blank will crippling, Mexico, crippling Russia, the Malaysian Prime Minister at the time McCarty he’s one of the feud have called out the globalist banks their power is enormous. So when we come back, let’s talk about the fact that Henry Ford said, “If the American people knew what was going on with banking, there’d be a revolution by morning.” So rather than have that revolution on the streets, could you talk about your main questions and I’ll remind them of remind you of them. What can we do about our unsustainable unrepayable, sovereign debts? What can we do about inflation? How do we make banks and banking work for the people? How to make national currencies honest? We’ll go for the ad break. And then we be right back with Ellen Hodgson brown to give us the solutions.

Speaker 1:

The midterms and America votes on November 8th, with his expert analysis and opinion. This is TNT radio with Jeremy Beck.

Jeremy Beck:

An important recall vote in San Francisco took place on the 7th of June alongside the many primary elections on the same day. Voters decided to oust the radical District Attorney Chesa Boudin whose soft on prime approach has overseen a horror show of lawlessness for the many victims of crime. Boudin is one of several dozen rogue prosecutors elected to public office largely thanks to funds from billionaire George Soros.

Malcolm Roberts:

So we’re back with Ellen Hodgson Brown discussing money and banking. So Ellen, what can we do about our unsustainable unrepayable sovereign debts? You’ve mentioned that the United States federal debt is now about $30 trillion, not counting unfunded future liabilities. What can we do about it?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, sovereign debt of course is the debt of the government. Dealing with personal debt is a lot harder. Actually the first money system I probably should have mentioned this was that the first money system in recorded history was the Sumerian money system, which Michael Hudson’s written a lot about. And it was just an accounting system, but they did charge interest. And when the debts got too high, they would have a debt Jubilee periodically. So they would wipe out all the debts and start all over. And that’s obviously the ideal, if you can do it. But the reason they could do it was that the king was considered the representative of the gods and the gods owned the land. And so the king could just order that the debts would be wiped off the clean slate. But today the debts are owed to private banks and we just wouldn’t be able to do it legally.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

So doing a debt Jubilee for the people would be a lot harder, although it certainly would be, it seems like it’s needed because one problem with the way we create money is that banks create the principle, but they don’t create the interest. So debt always grows faster than the money supply, and there’s not enough money to pay it all back without borrowing more which means the debt just goes up and up and up. It’s a pyramid scheme. So how do we bring about a debt Jubilee under today’s circumstances? Alexander Hamilton actually had a very good plan, which I think we could do. Although you know obviously it’s probably not going to happen, but what Hamilton did with the state’s deaths, the colonies debts that became the states was to roll them to accept them in exchange for stock in the first US banks.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

So you could pay partly in gold and partly in these debts. And we could actually take that $30 trillion in debt and turn it into stock in a big bank and pay some dividend on it. And actually, there is a bill that we have here in the US right now, a National Infrastructure Bank Bill, where they’re modelling it on the first US banker, the Hamiltonian model, where they would take federal securities and in exchange for stock in the bank. And that’s how they would capitalise it. So that’s one possibility. Another possibility, as long as you don’t pay interest on it, really the debt doesn’t hurt. If you just keep rolling it over and over and over. So you could just have the Federal Reserve buy all the debt. The central bank returns its profits to the treasury.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

So it doesn’t keep the interest. It’s really the interest that’s the problem. That’s the thing that we have to pay year after year and projections are that in a few years, it’s going to be up to something like a trillion dollars a year just for the interest. So that’s getting right up there with the military and are really expensive things in the budget. But that’s another possibility. In other words, you can just keep rolling it over and hold it by your own central bank assuming your central bank were actually publicly owned and controlled and serving the people. So it could be dealt with. Now foreign sovereign debts, it does look like half the world is likely to join this new [inaudible 00:37:10] system and just walk away from their debts. That’s what Sergei Glazyev said that they don’t need to pay their debts.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

They just walk away from the debts in dollars and start their own system. And that could happen. Would it destroy the dollar? I don’t think so. Because of the amount of dollars that are out there in the Euro dollar system, I mean the dollar is basically our unit of account. It’s just how people measure value. And it’s so entrenched that I’ve read other experts who say that it probably can’t be shaken loose even if half the world does abandon the dollar and take up some other currency, but I’m getting far a field again. Sorry.

Malcolm Roberts:

So Ellen, before we move on to the solving inflation your ideas on comments on that, there are many different ways of do doing this, but what seems to be coming out of it is that we need to talk about it. We need to have an open Frank discussion about it. We need to have the truth on the table. We need to understand who owns what in this, who controls what so that we can then establish a system that is good for the people rather than just for a few globalist predators.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Right. Transparency and accountability. Totally.

Malcolm Roberts:

And they’re the enemies at the moment and so there’s no transparency. A lot of this is hidden. Okay. So the solution is not an easy one, but it must be achieved. If we don’t achieve a solution by open honest frank discussion, then it’ll come through some form of control and that’ll be devastating for everyone ultimately for the global predators themselves. So what to do about inflation Ellen?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, the argument is that this is a monetary inflation, and they’re trying to tighten the money supply and not supposed to fix it, but it’s not a monetary inflation. It’s a supply problem. There’s two sides to inflation that you often hear that inflation is always and everywhere, monetary phenomenon. But that’s not true. It’s half a monetary phenomenon, it’s a half a supply phenomenon. In other words, if money goes up and supply goes down, you’re going to have too much money competing for too few goods.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

But if you can keep the supply and the money in balance, then you don’t have inflation, then prices remain stable. So what we need to do is up the supply, which a good infrastructure bank would do it, we’ve got the amazing model of China that in a couple of decades, they came up from absolute poverty for most of their people up into well, anyway, how did they do it?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

But they have these infrastructure banks where they just basically create the money as credit build the thing like the high speed rail, and then the fees from the trains pay back the loan. And that’s the way it should be. You extend the credit, you use the credit to build something productive, don’t keep pumping it into existing houses, which will just drive the price of houses up. But you put it into new productivity, new infrastructure, which we desperately need in the US and probably, I don’t know how Australia is, but here we got a serious infrastructure problem, build new infrastructure, put money into all sorts of productive things. That’s what Roosevelt did in the 1930s with the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, he funded anything that was productive that would pay back, not speculative, but actual producing assets. So that’s what we need to do.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay. That makes sense, because if you generate something in terms of productive infrastructure, and then you use that to generate wealth, then you don’t have inflation and you do have prosperity wealth.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

The interest rates is going to just make it worse because all the producers have credit lines and they’re not going to be able to afford their credit lines. We’re already seeing that business is falling off.

Malcolm Roberts:

And what you just said worked in the Commonwealth Bank when it was a true public bank in the early part of last century generated infrastructure and we… We’ll come to that more later. I won’t go on any more of that now. How do we make banks, coming to your fourth question, how do we make banks and banking work for the people Ellen?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, they need to be public institutions, publicly owned and controlled, the sustainable, transparent and accountable that they need to be. When we have this, the public banking institute, our mission is to try to get public banks established in the US like the Bank of North Dakota. And you often hear people say, you want to give the government a bake, because people don’t trust the government anymore than they trust bakers, but you need to design the system so that it is responsive to the people, accountable, transparent and so that we actually have control over it.

Malcolm Roberts:

So that again mimics what happened with the Commonwealth Bank. The Commonwealth Bank, when it was formed. The first governor was a man named Dennison Miller who was very energetic man who really aspired to do something really well. And he was working for the Bank of New south Wales. What is now known as Westpac. He was taken from Westpac of Bank of New South Wales and made in charge of the Commonwealth Bank. And he had a wonderful objective then to do the best for the country.

Malcolm Roberts:

And he basically ran the Commonwealth Bank very, very well and worked for the country despite Labour Party and Liberal Party or the precursor Liberal Party, trying to undo it all because one of the things that the Commonwealth Bank did when it was a true people’s bank in the early part of last century, was it provided competition for the private banks. The private banks were then held accountable, which is what you just said. The accountability is so important, but that accountability has to be to the people you’d agree with that.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Right. Totally.

Malcolm Roberts:

Okay. Thank you for mentioning the Commonwealth Bank in your book, the Web of Debt. The fourth question, your last question.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

[inaudible 00:43:57] very inspiring.

Malcolm Roberts:

Yes. The fourth question you suggested was how to make national currencies honest? How do we make them honest? Because as you pointed out at the moment, whether it’s seashells or paper or trinkets or tally sticks or whatever medium is that it can be corrupted. It’s not necessarily backed by anything. There’s no real reserve there. There’s no real value there other than what it’s deemed to be valued. It’s Fiat. It’s an announcement, a pronouncement. So how do you make national currencies honest?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, I’m not actually opposed to national currencies. I’m not sure I know the answer to that. There are a lot of people attempting to establish an alternative currency system, like a cryptocurrency system, a crypto currency would be honest if it’s backed by something like food back currencies, I think would be a great idea where it’s basically an advance against the future productivity of the farmers. They could issue their own cryptocurrency. But anyway, I think our Fiat system is not that bad. It’s who creates it and who controls its creation. In other words, if you had public banks that were actually accountable and sustainable and what was the other word I forgot now, anyway, it’s getting late here. So if you had public banks that were there to serve the people and the people in control of it actually had that sort of sense of mission that you could have an honest fiat currency.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Fiat currency is not really unbacked. It’s backed by the full faith and credit of the people, which means the people agree that to accept it. It so if I went to the grocery with a gold coin and tried to pay for my groceries and said this is worth 1800, whatever it’s at right now at 1850 or something, the grocer wouldn’t know what to do with it because they wouldn’t know for sure that it was valid. He’d say, “No, give me paper money or give me your credit card.” Because things are valued in the Fiat currency and that’s one of the properties of a good currency. I don’t know what, how do you answer it?

Malcolm Roberts:

It’s very difficult, but it seems to me that what you’ve said in answer to each of the four major questions is that it has to go back to being publicly owned bank, a government led bank, not, not necessarily led because governments can then do political things but an independent bank that’s independent from privately owned banks because privately owned banks are the root of the problem. These privately owned banks, these globalist predators, when things are going well, they love capitalism. When things are going badly, they want socialism.

Malcolm Roberts:

And that seems to be a major problem for these people because they make so many… Without any accountability, they make horrendous decisions which ultimately the people pay for in a loss of their house, the loss of their cars, the loss of productive capacity of the country, the decimation of a whole economy. And then you extend that power, that national power internationally through the Bank of International Settlements, the International Monetary Fund, the world bank, et cetera. You’ve got a huge problem and they’re basically controlled by the same globalist predators. So that seems to be the core to take it back and give it to the people. But either way you’ve done a marvellous job in painting the fact that there are no simple solutions and yet there is a basic simple solution and that is people’s banking. Ellen, can I ask you some personal questions?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Sure.

Malcolm Roberts:

Because I’ve got just two minutes to go and I like to finish on the hour rather than early. First of all, I want to thank you so much for joining us. And I look forward to staying in touch, but I read that you were born in 1945, that makes you almost 77, 76. How do you do it?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Almost 77. Well, how do I do it?

Malcolm Roberts:

Yeah. You look at the research, you’ve done the clarity, your ability to say that it’s not all bad. Some things that need to be considered, but you’re juggling all these complex concepts in your head.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Well, it’s incredibly interesting. Don’t you think?

Malcolm Roberts:

Oh yes.

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

You’re doing marvellous work and just the idea of cracking this nut. Like how do we figure this out? And, well, actually I got divorced if you want to get really personal 20 years ago. And I was quite depressed. And so at some point I said, “I don’t want this body anymore, but if somebody up there has a good idea for [inaudible 00:49:03].”

Malcolm Roberts:

So you took it on as a challenge. I’d want to give you the last say we’ve got 20 seconds left. How do they learn more about you? What’s your website?

Ellen Hodgson Brown:

Oh, ellenbrown.com or publicbankinginstitute.org.

Malcolm Roberts:

ellenbrown.com or publicbankinginstitute.org. Thank you so much Ellen. What a wonderful person you are. Thank you for being so open and honest.

A new, dangerous World Health Organisation pandemic treaty is a threat to all Australians.

The next World Health Assembly, which will take place in Geneva, May 22 to 28, 2022, will vote upon proposed amendments to the International Health Orders (IHO).

The vote is to make the World Health Organisation’s International Health Regulations mandatory on member nations. Australia is a member.

If the vote is successful, Australia will then need to ratify the new arrangement by way of passing legislation through Federal Parliament, handing power over Australia to the WHO in the event of a pandemic.

The Liberals have already expressed support, it is most likely that our globalist uniparty (Liberal, Nationals and the ALP) will wave these measures through with only One Nation in opposition.

IHO regulations are a comprehensive guidebook to implement even worse restrictions than Australia suffered through during COVID-19.

Measures specifically provided for in the regulations include lockdowns, hard borders around quarantine zones, vaccine passports, mandatory check-in and contact tracing, mandatory health tests, mandatory removal and quarantine.

Even worse, compulsory vaccination is part of the International Health Regulations, and may now be forced on all Australians if this vote succeeds.

Regulations are in place for as long as WHO decides is necessary.

The World Health Organisation can declare a pandemic without justifying or even publishing their reasons. There is no appeal, no transparency, no fairness.

In 2009-11 WHO created a false pandemic called H1N1. This disease also “escaped” from a lab and was no worse than a bad flu, a fact not in dispute today.

The WHO response to H1N1, if repeated for the next lab “escape” of a manufactured virus, will implement International Health Orders in Australia, including forced vaccination and forced removal & quarantine.

The police and armed forces have already demonstrated their support for these measures during COVID.

One Nation strongly opposes the ceding of our sovereignty to the UN and WHO. Unelected, unrepresentative foreign bureaucrats should not have the power to lock Australia down and force Australians to undergo medical procedures.

The Government should never have the power to force a medical procedure without your consent, an unelected international organisation certainly should not.

This brazen proposal shows the WHO is not fit for purpose, cannot be trusted and does not operate with Australia’s sovereign interests in mind. Australia must immediately exit the WHO and maintain our sovereignty.

Remember the plan to restrict you to eating less than one bite of red meat per day? That’s only possible if the Government can track your every move with the Digital Identity Bill.

Transcript

The United Nations has a problem. How can they control the carbon footprint of the world’s citizens? Not the whole world of course, just the West, the United Nations Conference of Parties 26. Gave us an insight into the UN’s menu-plan, where Scott Morrison watched without criticising their demand to reduce the carbon footprint of our food supply, instead of counting calories,

Australians will soon have their culinary delights and choices dictated to us by an unelected socialist bureaucracy, very soon government will tell our farmers what they can grow and punish Australian consumers if they buy the wrong things. This has already started with frightening reform schedule for Australian agriculture. The dream of micromanaging individual carbon emissions hinges on the soon to be passed, so-called Trusted Digital Identity Bill.

If Scott Morrison and Barnaby Joyce want to achieve their Net Zero 2050 dream, freedoms must be slashed, removed, it is only through the relentless digital stalking of citizens that the Liberal National’s government can micromanage purchasing choices. Businesses are punished with tax, while consumers get their credit score docked. This already happens in China, where a person’s shopping list lowers their social credit score until they cannot travel.

In Australia, it may be as simple as denying banking services because you dare to drive a four wheel drive to work. Australian banks have already shown a keen interest in the Trusted Digital Identity Bill saying it will quote, “allow them to create a rich view of their customers”. These are the same banks that already list climate risk as a means to deny loans. When the Liberals tell you that digital identity will make your life easier, remember there is no such thing as a free lunch.

I investigated where Meat and Livestock Australia is taking the $28bn red meat industry.  It is clear that the industry plan titled “Red Meat 2030” does not tell the full story. Red Meat 2030  is a strategic plan to double the value of the red meat industry without increasing herd numbers or prices, whilst bringing the industry to net zero emissions. This sounds like a fairy-tale and yet the Liberal/Nationals Government is selling this plan to farmers with a straight face.

In answer to my questions on Tuesday Jason Strong, Managing Director of Meat and Livestock Australia made the stunning admission the Red Meat 2030 plan is not a plan but an “ambitious goal” – bureaucrat speak for a political goal not a planning goal. MLA do not have a plan for how to deliver the 100% increase in the value of the red meat market.

Improvements to feed composition, genetics, transport and finishing have led to a 13% increase in weight. Where is the other 87% increase coming from if herd numbers are not increased?

Tuesday’s answers give us a hint of what is really planned. To explain, at the moment marginal farming land produces meat that sells in the cheaper end of the market, mostly through major supermarkets. This allows everyday Australians to buy red meat as a routine part of their diet. Once MLA complete this plan, there will be no more of this reasonably-priced meat. The only red meat produced in Australia will be a premium product to go on the tables of the very wealthy, with most production being exported to wealthy citizens of other countries. That is where the 87% price increase comes from.

Red Meat 2030 is a plan to take red meat off the table of everyday Australians. This is implementing the political goals of the United Nations to reduce red meat consumption to 14g – one mouthful – a day.  I spoke about this UN plan in my speech to the Senate recently. A vote for the Liberal, Nationals, Labor or Greens is a vote for taking red meat off the table of everyday Australians through their Red Meat 2030 plan.

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you, Chair, and thank you for attending. May I start by complimenting Meat & Livestock Australia on their Australia Day TV advertisement. I loved it.

This is my first question. Mr Strong, in your letter to me, dated 27 October 2021, you acknowledged that the data I quoted at the last Senate estimates from a report published on the CSIRO website titled ‘Australian cattle herd: a new perspective on structure, performance and production’, dated 2021, was correctly quoted. I thank you for that and accept that Meat & Livestock Australia consider the figure I used is higher than what you would use. The lead author of that report, Dr Geoffry Fordyce, works for Meat & Livestock Australia on your NB2 herd pillar feed base program. Is that correct?

Mr Strong : He certainly has. I’m not sure if he’s currently contracted, but certainly he has worked with us, yes.

Senator ROBERTS: So my decision to use the data that I used was logical, then, wasn’t it?

Mr Strong : Partially, yes.

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. I want to turn to the Meat & Livestock Australia Strategic Plan 2025. You’re familiar with that. On page 4—these are your own words, Mr Strong—it says:

With a new whole‑of‑industry strategic plan in place, Red Meat 2030—

that’s the name of your plan—

there is an opportunity for MLA to drive transformational change. We have to find ways to support the industry to deliver on its ambitious vision of doubling the value of red meat sales.

Could you please specify what percentage of this 100 per cent increase in sales revenue will come from price rises and what percentage will come from sales volume increases.

Mr Strong : The Red Meat 2030 plan is actually the industry plan that was put together by RMAC. It’s a 10-year plan that the industry collectively put together. Our five-year plan then fits in behind that. We’ve adopted the same overarching goal and the six pillars—

Senator ROBERTS: That’s your MLA—

Mr Strong : That’s our five-year plan. It draws on the Red Meat 2030 plan, which is the broader industry plan. It doesn’t specify what component of that growth comes from price or volume. Speaking from opinion, having been involved in that process, the setting of that target was being ambitious for the future of the industry in creating and capturing value but also making sure that we weren’t, as an industry, limited to price or volume. The industry, collectively, has over the last 30 years invested in a significant range of activities—not just with Meat & Livestock Australia and our R&D and marketing but with a range of other activities as well—for us to produce a higher quality, more consistent, traceable and guaranteed product but also to take advantage of or participate in the preferential market access that we have available to us. So there are opportunities for us to increase productivity, but there are also opportunities for us to create and capture more value in higher quality products where we have preferential access to high-quality markets. So it’s a combination of both.

Senator ROBERTS: Pardon me, but it sounds like waffle. Who are you trying to convince here? The farmers, the producers, need to have some kind of faith in what you’re leading and yet you’re telling me now that it’s just an ambitious plan with no limit on price or volume. Surely this has all been modelled.

Mr Strong : There are a number of things sitting behind it, but I think it’s quite the opposite to waffle. It’s providing opportunity in multiple areas rather than restricting it to one.

Senator ROBERTS: Hang on. Opportunity comes from knowing something about it. What you’re saying here is: ‘We haven’t done this. It’s an opportunity because it hasn’t been modelled.’

Mr Strong : The opportunity comes from the investments that the broader industry has made over the last 20 or 30 years in having a consistent, quality, traceable product—with a quality assurance program behind it—that is being sold at higher prices into markets where we now have preferential access.

Senator ROBERTS: I accept that, but you’re still talking very generally. To double the value of red meat sales you need to double the price if the herd stays flat.

Mr Strong : If the volume stays the same. The volume can increase if the herd stays the same size. You can have increased carcase weight or increased productivity.

Senator ROBERTS: Yes, 13 per cent is your increased carcase weight. There doesn’t seem to be any real meat in this.

Mr Strong : There’s an outcomes report that actually lays out some of the progress that has already been made. Look at something like Meat Standards Australia, which is the eating quality program. Last year it added $158 million in value to farmgate revenue for producers and over the last 10 years it has created more than $1 billion in value at the farmgate. We can share with you the extension adoption report, which does list some very specific areas, like Meat Standards Australia, like the Profitable Grazing Systems program and the Producer Demonstration Sites program, which have quantified increases in farmgate value and also increases on a per hectare basis of benefit to producers of adopting the things that the industry has invested in.

Senator ROBERTS: Okay, I’ll accept that, if you’d like to send us that. The fundamental figure though is 100 per cent increase in value with flat herd size.

Mr Strong : No, it’s not, Senator. There’s nothing about a flat herd size. It is doubling the value of red meat sales over a 10-year period.

Senator ROBERTS: In the last Senate estimates we had a difference of opinion on the direction of herd numbers, and we’ve still got that.

Mr Strong : Yes.

Senator ROBERTS: I maintained that the only way to meet net zero carbon dioxide targets—and why you’d want to meet that is beyond me, because no-one has given me any proof—under Meat & Livestock Australia’s CN30 program, the Carbon Neutral by 2030 program, is to hold herd numbers at the historically low numbers experienced during the recent drought. In reply you said:

We are very aware that there have been discussions that things like the carbon neutral goal are reliant on limiting livestock numbers or reducing production or profitability, and we completely reject those.

I thank you for your answer on notice regarding herd numbers and I now reference a document you sent me—a Meat & Livestock Australia publication titled ‘Industry projections 2021: Australian cattle—July update’. On page 4 there are herd numbers. Herd size, slaughter and production are all flat—and, arguably, slightly decreasing in the last few years—across the period indicated, from 2000 to 2023, and down from their peak in this period. Am I reading that right?

Mr Strong : You may be, Senator, but I don’t have that one in front of me. What I can do is provide you with the updated projections from earlier this year, which show the projected increase in production and outputs, so increases in herd size and increases in productivity. We can provide that to you.

Senator ROBERTS: Yes, if you could, please.

Mr Strong : We can certainly do that.

Senator ROBERTS: Coming back to what you raised earlier on, in the bottom graph carcase weights are showing an increase of 13 per cent. This does in part reflect the work done by Meat & Livestock Australia on genetics, feedbase and transport. Is that correct?

Mr Strong : In part, yes.

Senator ROBERTS: Only in part? There are other factors involved?

Mr Strong : Yes—like producers’ willingness to adopt new technologies. But I think part of the increase in carcass weight comes from the increase in turn-off through the feedlot sector. An increased number of animals have come through the feedlot sector as a finishing mechanism in the last year or two. That also contributes to an increase in carcass weight.

Senator ROBERTS: Either way, it’s a good job because 13 per cent is a significant increase in productivity and profitability.

Mr Strong : Correct.

Senator ROBERTS: Page 2 of this report says the average herd number for cattle from 2016 to 2021, which included a substantial drought influence, was 26,619. The best year was 2018, at 28,052. Meat & Livestock Australia’s projections are 27,223 for 2022 and 28,039 for 2023. This is down from the CSIRO’s figure of 30 million to 40 million before the drought, which was the point I was making in the last Senate estimates.

Even if the CSIRO figure is higher than you would accept, I fail to see an increase here in these figures. And I’m still trying to see where the increase in the herd numbers component of the 100 per cent increase in red meat production is coming from. Is it true that, unless the herd numbers recover to around 30 million, Meat & Livestock Australia are projecting a permanent reduction in the Australian herd?

Mr Strong : No, it’s not. The paper you’re referencing is not a CSIRO paper. Dr Fordyce is the lead author and he’s previously worked with CSIRO. It was present on their publication site but it’s not a formal CSIRO paper. But that’s an aside.

Senator ROBERTS: But he did work for you?

Mr St rong : Absolutely. And he still does work in a range of different areas. He’s been a very prominent researcher with the Queensland Department of Primary Industries in northern Australia and has done quite a bit of work with MLA and our predecessors over the years.

Senator ROBERTS: So he’s pretty competent?

Mr Strong : That doesn’t mean we have to agree on everything, though, does it? We could also quote other papers—

Senator ROBERTS: No. But, if he’s competent, there’s got to be a reason for not agreeing.

Mr Strong : Certainly. But other papers that have been produced by independent analysts say the herd’s even smaller than what we project.

Senator ROBERTS: Even smaller?

Mr Strong : Yes. Those papers are by private commercial analysts. They are widely read and get quoted to us as much or more than this paper does. But the herd size isn’t the only driver of productivity. As you said, it’s about being able to increase carcass weights, increase value and increase productivity. One of the things that Dr Fordyce has been involved with is the NB2 program that you mentioned. The ability to increase cows in calf, decrease cow mortality, increase calves that survive and increase weaning weight in reasonably modest levels—a decrease in cow mortality by a couple of per cent, an increase in fertility by a couple of per cent and a 10-kilo increase in weaning weight—has a material impact on northern productivity not just in numbers but also in value. The herd size is an important number to help us with our planning and projections when we look at a range of things; but it’s only one of the contributors to productivity, profitability and how we get to a doubling of value for the red meat sector.

Senator ROBERTS: Looking at agricultural producers, whether it be livestock or crops, there’s certainly a huge increase and improvement in the use of science to guide it. That’s become a wonderful productivity improvement tool. But it still comes back to basic arithmetic. If herd numbers are not growing, after allowing for improved carcass weights, the only way to increase the value of red meat production by 100 per cent, after allowing for the 13 per cent carcass weight increase, is for price increases of 87 per cent.

Mr Str ong : No, it’s not. Chairman Beckett mentioned our trip to Darwin two weeks ago. One of the great things we heard about there was the use of knowledge that’s been gained over the last 10 or 20 years by the industry. There were a couple of fantastic examples of the use of phosphorus as a supplement in phosphorus-deficient country. For the same cow herd size, there was a halving in cow mortality and a 30 per cent increase in weaning rates. Herd size is not the only way to increase productivity. When you think about ways to make significant improvements in productivity, it actually becomes a minor factor. Being able to produce more from what we have, regardless of what we have, and creating and capturing more value from that is much more important than the herd size.

Senator ROBERTS: I accept that it’s a laudable goal to increase the productivity, capturing more from what you have.

Mr Strong : Yes.

Senator ROBERTS: So, if herd sizes stay flat, are you able to provide me with the breakdown of where the 100 per cent increase in red meat value will come from?

Mr Strong : We can provide you with some.

CHAIR: Senator Roberts, I’ve got questions on this. Perhaps, if you stick around, we can talk about it.

Senator ROBERTS: Good. I’ve only got two more questions. Can you provide that breakdown?

Mr Strong : We can provide some. As I say, that’s an industry broader 10-year goal. In our five-year plan we’ve laid out a range of areas that we’re investing in, so we can certainly provide you with a range of activities that are currently underway. And, like I mentioned before, the outcomes report will give you some evidence of where that progress has already been shown.

Senator ROBERTS: Just to summarise, I’m concerned—and hopefully your figures will alleviate that concern—that what you’re relying upon is a huge increase in price, which will hurt the consumer. The second thing I’m concerned about is why this is being done. Let’s listen to the chair’s questions and let’s get the figures from you.

My last two questions: I acknowledge from your letter that there’s been a reduction in carbon dioxide production of 53 per cent since 2000 by the Australian red meat industry. Again, there’s never been any evidence produced that carbon dioxide needs to be cut from human activity. This has been driven by measures that are now in place. How will you get the other 47 per cent, other than calling the permanent herd reduction numbers a net zero measure?

Mr Strong : There are a range of things already underway and a couple we can point to straightaway including feed supplements. There are two good examples of that.

Senator ROBERTS: Changing the nature of feed supplements?

Mr Strong : No, additional feed supplements that will go into a ration, for example. The red asparagopsis seaweed product has demonstrated to reduce the production of methane by more than 90 per cent. There’s also a synthetic version of the same type of component, which so far has demonstrated the same type of effect. So feed supplements are certainly a key opportunity in reducing the amount of methane being produced.

One of the other areas relates to things we’ve just been talking about, which is increasing productivity from the herd that we have through improved genetics, improved productivity through the things we were just talking about. So there are a number of areas in addition to a stable herd which are already largely proven and underway. We’re only a couple of years into the path to 2030.

Senator ROBERTS: WWF in America has been on a concerted campaign to kill the beef industry. The same organisation is doing the same here in this country, and cattle graziers have told me that. So there’s a lot of pressure on the beef industry, its very existence, for political reasons, not economic or scientific reasons. Do you, as the MLA, just accept the mantra that we need to cut the carbon dioxide produced by humans or human activity, or do you actually have scientific justification for accepting that?

Mr Strong : It’s not our position to enter into that discussion.

Senator ROBERTS: So you accept it.

Mr Strong : It’s not the environment to have a position either way. This is an industry goal, which is ambitious, but what’s really important is that we don’t think about CN30 in the absence of profitability, productivity and intergeneration sustainability. There’s nothing that we’re doing or investing in that doesn’t have a lens on profitability or productivity of the industry at the same time as thinking about its impact on the environment.

Senator ROBERTS: I would beg to differ. It seems to me that you need to have a sound rationale for why you’re doing these things and I have yet to see any proof of that. Feeding seaweed to cattle, feed supplements: surely there’s cost in there. You’re asking farmers to change their practices which could increase costs further. It seems like the doomsayers that have been hitting our electricity sector, our transport sector, our regulatory sector are now hitting our agriculture sector in many, many ways.

CHAIR: Is that a question, Senator Roberts?

Senator ROBERTS: No, that’s a statement.

The ‘Trusted Digital Identity Bill 2021’ is a piece of legislation designed to act as the framework for a permanent and expansive ‘digital identity’ for all Australian citizens.

‘Digital Identity’ acts as a master ID, joining together previously disconnected government databases containing confidential personal information.

Where the myGov app links things like a driver’s licence, passport, Medicare card, and vaccination record – the Digital Identity sets out to link ALL government data related to a person. Future iterations of the Digital Identity propose to pair this data against private sector information, such as purchasing records, to create a rich digital view of a citizen.

While Australia lacks the corresponding technological infrastructure to utilise a Digital Identity to its sinister potential (such as China’s spying street lights and billboards), this Bill – whether intentional or accidental – acts as the foundation for a China-style Social Credit System.

Governments do not create large citizen data collection points for no reason. This information is valuable, not only for research purposes, but for political strategies and future policies (such as ‘incentivising’ green initiatives). Once this information starts being collated by the government against a citizen, it will become like a browser history session that cannot be cleared. While the Bill does not specifically lay out applications for Digital Identity, accompanying documents and industry articles (from banking and insurance sectors) have already begun discussing its potential.

The Trusted Digital Identity Bill 2021 cannot be read or understood as a stand-alone policy. It forms part of an extensive policy framework under the government’s 2030 digital goals laid out in the Digital Economy Strategy 2030. According to this strategy (worth $1.2 billion in the 2021-2022 Budget), Australia’s Digital Identity is intended to connect into a global digital identity economy.

In other words, the problem is not so much with the technical setup/certifications of the Digital Identity as laid out in the Bill – the issue is with the intention of the Digital Identity and that catastrophic change to both privacy and the existing separation between the economy and the government.

What is also of concern is the heightened level of control that the government seeks to wield over the direction of the economy once it transforms into largely digital entity – as stated in its goals – and therefore its motivation for the establishment of a Trusted Digital Identity. The strategy stresses that Digital Identity is aimed at keeping us ‘safe’ and recovering from a ‘Covid economy’, but as we have learned, government is poorly equipped to carry out these tasks.

Australians have to ask themselves, do they really want the government acting as an omnipresent policeman standing guard over every commercial transaction?

Should the government be able to prevent a citizen from being ‘certified’ to purchase items from a private seller (something that is not possible with cash)?

Further, do Australians want to give the government power over the economy to micromanage its future by monitoring, punishing, and rewarding transactions in the same way they have started to interfere in the ‘green’ energy market?

Also of chief concern is the reason Digital Identity has been created in the first place. The government did not come up with the Trusted Digital Identity on their own to solve the issue of outdated government databases. As stated by the policymakers in their accompanying documentation, the Trusted Digital Identity is the brainchild of the World Economic Forum and their global digital identity roadmap.

The Trusted Digital Identity is required for the Digital Economy Strategy. The following is the intention of the government strategy:

‘The digital economy is key to securing our economic future and recovery from COVID-19. The Digital Economy Strategy targets investments that will underpin improvements in jobs, productivity and make Australia’s economy more resilient.’

Then, from the Digital Identity Consultation Regulation Impact Statement, the government quotes  Shaping the Future of Digital Economy and New Value Creation directly from the World Economic Forum.

‘Further, research conducted by the WEF suggests that digital identity is essential for the growth of the digital economy more broadly encouraging digital, as well as physical engagement with public and private sector services, it has a pivotal role to play in rebooting the global economy in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic and beyond. Digital Identity uniquely positions businesses, the research concluded, to gain and maintain user trust and remain competitive, ‘…guarantee[ing] the realisation of greater economic potential…and advancing an economy that is more inclusive, equitable and stable for all’.’

And from the linked article:

‘The Platform on Digital Economy and New Value Creation helps companies leverage technology to be agile in the face of disruption and to create the new digitally enabled business models for a new normal – post-COVID, purpose driven, sustainable and inclusive. […] An estimated 70% of new value created in the economy over the next decade will be based on digitally enabled platform business models. However, 47% of the world’s population remain unconnected to the internet.’Shaping the Future of Digital Economy and New Value Creation and the Davos Agenda Digital identity Frameworks.

In How digital identity can improve lives in a post-COVID-19 world, the WEF states that, ‘To re-boot the global economy and re-connect society physically and virtually in a new reality, people will need to engage physically and digitally with public authorities and businesses.’

The World Economic Forum is encouraging domestic policymakers to ‘move quickly’ and build ‘trust’ with citizens around the secure usage of personal data, which allows extensive third parties to create digital frameworks previously forbidden by privacy laws.

‘But the potential is bigger: the possibility to safely claim who we are will impact how we live and how fast the world economy can recover – alleviating key risks highlighted in World Economic Forum’s COVID-19 Risk Outlooks Report.’

The linked Outlooks Report (tied to the Global Risks Report) seeks to keep the changes made during Covid rather than encouraging business and society to return to its in-person, normal operation. This is no doubt because the biggest winners under Covid were digital services and banks who profited off an unsustainable economic model almost entirely propped up with public money. To encourage this system would be a catastrophic error.

This report includes the header ‘An opportunity to build back better’,directly connecting the Liberal Party’s Australian Digital Identity to the hated ‘build back better’ global mantra. It also forms part of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and, littered through the supplementary data, are references and intentions to eventually incorporate the global Digital Identity into Climate Change policy.

‘Despite the grim economic outlook, the solidarity created by the Covid-19 pandemic offers the possibility of investing in building more cohesive, inclusive and equal societies. When it comes to the environmental agenda, the implementation of green stimulus programmes holds the potential to fundamentally change the way economies and industries operate, especially as societal behaviour change may spur more sustainable consumption and mobility habits. For businesses, the opportunity exists to accelerate a transformation towards more sustainable and digital operating models, while enhancing productivity. When it comes to the Fourth Industrial Revolution, technology has demonstrably helped societies manage crisis and provided a window into the benefits of more technology-enhanced ways of learning, working and producing – from telemedicine to logistics to the knowledge economy. There is a potential for a new era of innovation, growth and enhanced technology governance in the service of societal and environmental goals.’

To be clear, the WEF is the backbone from which the Australian government is drafting Digital Identity policy and the assumptions made by the WEF to justify their recommendations are, frankly, wrong – both historically and logically. To give one example, the need for swift digitisation is based on a prediction that nationalistic tendencies driven by competition for pandemic resources will see countries isolate themselves from the global market and sink into recession. We know from history that nations do the reverse – they expand into trade after traumatic events and the less intervention from global authorities, the better as countries find their economic niches mores quickly.

The Australian government do not challenge any of these assumptions, but rather assumed them as fact with the WEF’s recommendations littered throughout the Bill.

Part of this framework is a concept called ‘Human-centric digital identities’ – which is essentially what the Australian government is attempting to create as a form of ‘alleviation from global health risks’. The description of Trusted Digital Identity in the linked WEF policy is nearly identical to the Australian legislation.

The other WEF reference made is to Reimagining Digital Identity: A Strategic Imperative, which is more of the same except it summarises the other nations creating their own Digital Identities and includes a few worrying insights.

‘Businesses must understand that they will be required to redesign and rethink their relationships with their customers to remain competitive in a changing business landscape. As user expectations change regarding how digital identity is managed, organisations must reposition themselves regarding how they interact with their customers. And the time to act is now. The digital identity revolution has already begun.’

At which point we can point to the Australian government’s Digital Economy roadmap which says:

‘We’ll be succeeding when:

  • The significant majority of Australians over 19 are registered for myGovID or other trusted digital identity.
  • By 2030 all businesses will be digital businesses. To be a leading digital economy and society in 2030, every business needs to become a digital business.
  • Businesses can verify the digital identity of customers and suppliers with absolute confidence.
  • All transaction are electronic, integrated and secure – from registration through to employment, reporting, marketing, banking, accounting and security.

Which, if you read carefully, attempts to end anonymous cash transactions within the economy under the excuse of ‘progress, efficiency and safety’, removing the essential liberty of customers and businesses to purchase goods and services without heavy-handed oversight.

The recurring theme throughout these documents is that in order to be ‘safe’ and expand after Covid, the government must forge a new digital economy. In reality, a heavily regulated economy is less resilient and slower to recover than an old fashioned chaotic one. This is probably why a black economy in Australia is on the rise (suggested by the staggering increase in physical cash circulation) as individuals seek to recover their jobs outside the inflexible layers of cost and regulation ill-suited to a disaster. The government puts the cash increase down to pandemic hoarding, but it is far more likely that those individuals ‘locked out of the economy’ by state governments are having to find ways to survive. Instead of fixing the environment that has caused this behaviour, the government seeks further regulation to prevent it.

What’s in the Trusted Digital Identity Bill:

The Bill simply introduces itself as, ‘A Bill for an Act to establish the ‘trusted’ Digital Identity system and to provide for the accreditation of entities in relation to digital identity systems generally, and for related purposes.’

In order words, it creates a Digital Identity, sets out how other digital entities can interact with it, creates code of conduct guidelines, and puts forward some general (but by no means exhaustive) application processes, and lists penalties for failing to comply. The word ‘trusted’ is in the title to represent the ‘trusted’ accreditation process that the Bill sets out for third parties to access citizen data. Finally, the Bill sets out an Oversight Authority to monitor the system.

The vast majority of this Bill deals with the technical nature of accrediting digital businesses to interact with your data. Instead, we wish to ask if the Bill should exist as a concept.

Forgetting the more serious consequences of the Bill, does it actually achieve what it sets out to do? The answer is, ‘no’. Based solely on its primary aims, the Bill is a failure of concept.

There are two stated purposes for the Bill’s existence.

  1. Simplify access to clunky government databases for individuals and businesses.
  2. Create, stimulate, and shape a ‘Covid-safe’ economy.

Instead of fixing the government’s disjoined, outdated, and woefully error-laden databases, Digital Identity acts as a band-aid.

It creates a brand new central identity and collects information from the same broken databases. Third party applications then talk to the Digital Identity, where all the information is nicely ordered for modern systems. The Digital Identity did not fix the problem – those databases are stilling heading toward failure. Why not simply spend the billions of dollars allocated to this project to fix the master databases? Or at least fix the databases before using the mess as the foundation for Australia’s largest digital environment…

A good Bill would simplify and reduce government databases, this Bill vastly extends government-held private data into a wide range of accredited domestic and international corporations who can, upon exemption, host data on foreign servers.

This data – crucial to the safety and identity of an individual – is now collated under the Digital Identity where it is shared, used, and hosted by corporate entities for a range of unspecified reasons related to government services, research, and economic practices. The Bill even lists the potential for these services to charge citizens an access fee for their data.

The main selling point on the Digital Identity website is the time people will save.

These promises are unlikely, given the experience and difficulty with both myGovID (created by the same company given the contract for Digital Identity) and the service trouble experienced with vaccine passport certification – the Trusted Digital Identity will probably take people longer to set up and fix than the total time saved by its existence. The government’s time-saving problems do not factor in any difficulties in service which are not part of the current system.Once passed, Digital Identity will be used as a way to validate transactions in the same way that a Vaccine Passport unlocks access to previously unregulated areas.

The Bill is careful to insist that its use will remain voluntary, but the accompanying documentation implies that Digital Identity is a mandatory condition of service in the economy in the same way that vaccine passports are ‘implied’ as mandatory if you wish to continue trading.

‘Digital Identity will give Australian people and businesses a single, secure way to use government services online. Creating a Digital Identity is like doing a 100-point identification check. It removes the need to visit a shopfront with your identity documents. Digital Identity is already being used by over 2.3 million Australians and 1.2 million businesses to access over 75 government services. Digital Identity ensures personal information is securely encrypted and stored in Australia and no personal information is presented through a double blind system. The proposed new legislation for the Digital Identity system will extend these protections and standards to businesses and state and territory governments who will use the digital identity.’

And then it sets out this Digital Identity as a government-controlled protection for fraud against private digital transactions:

‘The Trusted Digital Identity Framework sets out the rules for the national digital identity scheme. This Framework will make it easier and safer for people to access online services and provide additional protections against identity crime, which is estimated to cost the economy over  $3.1 billion a year. The Government will progress legislation to enable the rollout of the Framework to the private sector and other governments. The legislation will embed privacy, security and fraud prevention mechanisms to build trust and confidence by those who choose to participate.’

And finally, from the Digital Economy Strategy:

A digital economy is characterised by online transactions and engagement – a virtual, paperless and cashless world […] This means that by 2030:

  • All businesses are digital businesses, using e-Commerce tools and new technologies to improve productivity, innovate and generate high-paying jobs.
  • All transactions are electronic, integrated and secure – from registration through to employment, reporting, marketing, banking, accounting and security.
  • Government services will all be easily and safely accessible online, saving people and businesses time and money. Government service delivery will by supported by better public data availability and sharing that is used by a highly-skilled public service to deliver more targeted policy and programs.

And for individuals:


The significant majority of Australians over 18 are registered for myGovID or another trusted digital identity.

While not explicitly stated in the Bill, if the government’s Digital Economy Strategy by 2030 is aiming for all business transactions to be digital (no cash), and those transactions require the integrated and secure Digital Identification check to validate them – then those who do not partake in the Digital Identity scheme will be effectively locked out of the economy.

The Digital Economy Strategy also states: ‘To be a leading digital economy and society in 2030, every business needs to become a digital business.’