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In the event a war breaks out or our shipping routes are blocked, Australia is screwed with practically all of our local refineries out of business.

At the May Senate Estimates, I asked the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water (DCCEEW) for a detailed breakdown of current fuel stocks, specifically how much is finished liquid fuel versus crude oil. Ms Svarcas indicated she will provide these figures on notice and at the same time, will clarify how crude oil is reported under the Minimum Stockholding Obligation (MSO).

I then inquired about the latest figure for Australia’s crude oil stock relative to the International Energy Agency (IEA) requirement of 90 days. Ms Svarcas confirmed that the current figure is 53 days and includes all fuels and refined products in Australian waters. This stock does not include the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) stock, avoiding double counting between IEA and MSO measures. Ms Svarcas noted that “consumption cover days” are reported monthly on their website and are publicly available. She added that these figures indicate how long the stock will last based on average consumption, giving a clear view of Australia’s fuel supply.

It was a big surprise to discover that Australia had sold its 1.7 million barrels of oil from the US strategic reserve. While it was never a good idea to have a national reserve held on the other side of the world, the secrecy with which the sale was done in response to Ukraine is concerning.

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Let’s move to fuel security. We covered the minimum stock holding obligations for petrol, diesel and jet fuel at some length last Senate estimates. You gave to me on notice, in SQ24000046, that the refineries may also report crude oil and unfinished stock as liquid fuel. Do you have a breakdown of how much of the reported stock holding is actually finished liquid fuel versus crude oil—not a projected conversion of existing crude into future petrol, diesel or jet fuel, but the actual quantities of the four measures, as it exists now? 

Mrs Svarcas:  Just so I’m really clear, for the MSO obligation, you’re asking how much of the crude oil do we count as petrol, jet fuel and diesel? 

Senator ROBERTS: Yes. Can you also provide to me the actual amount, right now, of crude oil as it is, jet fuel as it is, petrol as it is and diesel as it is, and not projected conversions of crude oil into those things? 

Mrs Svarcas: I will have to take on notice the projected for crude oil into those things. The MSO does allow, under the reporting obligations, for an entity to effectively say they’ve got a bucket of crude oil, and they will be converting X amount of it through their normal operations—and how much of that is going to be diesel, how much of that is going to be jet fuel et cetera. I would have to take on notice how much of the crude is crude, if you will, and how much is fuel. 

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. That’d be good. You explained previously how there’s the domestic minimum stockholding obligation for petrol, diesel and jet fuel put in place by the government then there’s the International Energy Agency agreement for 90 days of crude oil. Last estimates, you told me we were at 55 International Energy Agency days of crude oil. What’s the latest figure for that, and is all of that stock in Australia’s exclusive economic zone here? 

Mrs Svarcas: The actual figure of that today—the last report was from March 2024—is 53 days and that figure captures all of the things. It might be helpful if I describe what’s captured in that. It’s crude oil as crude oil. It’s diesel, petrol and jet fuel. It also includes other refined products. For example, the oil that you would put into your car is included under the definition provided to us by the IEA. It’s those stocks that are on land in Australia and in our domestic waters. But, importantly, the difference between the IEA days and the MSO calculation is that it does not include the product that’s in our EEZ; it’s just the product that’s in Australian waters or physically in Australia. 

Senator ROBERTS: So is there any double counting then? 

Mrs Svarcas: No, there’s no double counting. There’s a difference between a vessel that is in Australian waters—how it’s included in the IEA days—and stock that is in the EEZ that is counted in the MSO days. It might also be useful, if you’ll indulge me, to explain the difference between the measures that we have in place so that you can get an idea of what we use it for. As I described, the IEA days are one single calculation of all of the fuel and fuel products as defined by the IEA. We also have our consumption cover days. They’re the days that we report every month publicly, and you’ll find those on our website. They are a measure of how long the stock will last. So they give us a really good indication of what we’ve got every month, and how long, based on average consumption, that will last. That’s all publicly available. Then we also have the MSO, which is slightly different, and the purpose of that measure is to set that minimum stockholding obligation to give us the insurance policy of making sure, from our perspective, how much fuel, liquid fuels and things we should have in Australia should there be a market disruption. So the purpose of each of those reportings is slightly different, which is why what goes into them—what we count and how we count them—is also slightly different, because they have different purposes. 

Senator ROBERTS: I look forward to the numbers that you’re going to give me. Our strategic reserve— 

CHAIR: If you’ve finished that line of questioning, we will need to rotate. 

Senator ROBERTS: I’ve just one more question on strategic reserve. You told me at last Senate estimates that Australia has sold all of the oil reserves in the United States’ strategic reserve? 

Mrs Svarcas: That is correct. 

Senator ROBERTS: That was 1.7 million barrels—nearly two years ago—in June 2022. That hasn’t been reported anywhere, as I understand it. 

Mrs Svarcas: No, I believe it was publicly reported. I’ll be happy to table that report. 

Senator ROBERTS: Did anyone at the department announce that the 1.7 million barrels had been sold? 

Mrs Svarcas: Like I said, I believe it was. I’m happy to be corrected if my evidence is wrong but I do believe it was made public at the time. 

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. 

Australia is producing less and importing more fuel than before. Australia is obligated to keep a 90 day stockpile of oil by agreements and pure common sense, yet this country hasn’t met this threshold in over 12 years.

Minister McAllister, in a breath of clarity, faces reality and admits that hydrocarbon fuels such as petrol, diesel and jet fuel are essential in our modern economy today, despite the net-zero push. In reserves we have around 38 days or 5 weeks of petrol, 31 days or 4 weeks of diesel and 24 days 3 weeks of jet fuel. Yet Australia’s 90 days of strategic crude oil reserves, which were kept in the United States, are said to have been ‘sold’. Almost all of Australia’s liquid fuel is imported and we are extremely vulnerable to a blockade. Imagine if imports ceased.

We are no longer self-sufficient in fuels, which we should be given what’s under our soil. Imagine if there were no more imports and we had only 4 weeks of fuel left. We should be exploring for and producing more oil instead of relying on China to burn our coal and use up rare minerals like cobalt and copper, to manufacture expensive, unreliable and short-lived “renewables”.

Transcript

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you again for being here today. I refer to a media release from the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water. It is entitled ‘Australia’s fuel reserves boosted to strengthen resilience and supply’. Can you please tell me how many days in fuel stocks—

Senator McAllister: Senator Roberts, I am so sorry. Would you mind giving us the date? That will help officials track down the document that you are referring to.

Senator ROBERTS: It is 14 November 2022.

Senator McAllister: Thank you.

Senator ROBERTS: Can you please tell me how many days in fuel stocks Australia currently has of petrol, diesel and jet fuel?

Ms Svarcas: Under the minimum stockholding obligation, our industries are required to have 24 days of petrol and jet fuel and 20 days of diesel. As at 16 January—I will convert that to megalitres for you—we had 1,699 megalitres, so more than the required 24 days of petrol. We had 2,780 megalitres of diesel, which is more than the required levels under the MSO. For jet fuel, we had 547 megalitres, which again is above the MSO.

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you. Are those dates of fuel reserves in Australia? Are the reserves in Australia?

Ms Svarcas: They are either in Australia or in Australian waters. Yes, they are in Australia.

Senator ROBERTS: So that count is water stocks or reserves held overseas?

Ms Svarcas: Not reserves held overseas, Senator. They are reserves held in Australia or in Australian waters.

Senator ROBERTS: So it is in Australia and in—

Ms Svarcas: And in—

Senator ROBERTS: How many in Australia?

Ms Svarcas: I’m not sure if my colleague has a breakdown of what is in the country.

Senator ROBERTS: Physically on Australian shores right now.

Mr Cano: The stockholding obligation enables the entities to count stocks that are being held within Australia’s exclusive economic zone, and that’s taken as part of the total number. So they are in Australian waters on their way to shore.

Senator ROBERTS: So the waterborne reserves are inside our economic zone?

Ms Svarcas: Correct.

Senator ROBERTS: We’re obligated to keep 30 days—that’s three months of fuel reserves—by international agreements—correct? And plain common sense says we should be doing that. How many days does the 1,699 megalitres of petrol represent?

Mr Duggan: Are you referring there to the International Energy Agency’s oil stockholding requirement, which I think may be different to the international—

Senator ROBERTS: Could you explain the difference?

Mr Duggan: Yes. With respect to oil, there is a 30-day minimum stockholding requirement through the International Energy Agency, but I’d just distinguish. In fact, three months, or 90 days, of net imports is the requirement. I’d just distinguish that, though, from what Ms Svarcas and Mr Cano just gave evidence of, which is the minimum stockholding obligation domestically imposed by the government to ensure fuel security.

Senator ROBERTS: What is the difference between the international agreement for 90 days or three months and our own, hopefully, commonsense based requirements?

Mr Duggan: Crude oil is 90 days—international energy oil—

Senator ROBERTS: And some of that is stored overseas?

Mr Duggan: Yes, it’s held in the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve.

Senator ROBERTS: How is that a reserve for us onshore here? If China or anyone else puts a blockade on us, that’s gone.

Mr Duggan: Senator, I’m just trying to make sure you don’t conflate what are two different frameworks here. The one that Ms Svarcas and Mr Cano were referring to is a domestic fuel minimum stockholding obligation. That applies to petrol, diesel, jet fuel—

Senator ROBERTS: That was in the release from your department on 14 November 2023?

Mr Duggan: That’s correct. And then the International Energy Agency’s 90-days-of-net-imports requirement is around crude oil, and that’s obviously a separate—

Senator ROBERTS: How many days of crude oil are in Australia or within our economic zone on a boat right now?

Mr Duggan: The last reporting was in November, and we reported 50 days of holdings.

Senator ROBERTS: In Australia?

Mr Duggan: No, because as part of that we are able to count the Australian holdings and the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve.

Senator ROBERTS: For someone sitting at home watching this who’s concerned about our oil security in a blockade by a foreign country, what sort of security have we got? Fifty days?

Ms Svarcas: I might just clarify the evidence, Senator.

Senator ROBERTS: Whose evidence? Yours or Mr Duggan’s?

Ms Svarcas: Mr Duggan’s evidence. We don’t currently have any stocks in the US stock reserve. That’s been sold. The IEA days that Mr Duggan has referred to—so the international obligation days—

Senator ROBERTS: The 90 days?

Ms Svarcas: The 90 days. We currently have 55 days of stock in there. I might just explain why it’s 55 days and why we haven’t met the 90 days. The way that’s calculated is on total eligible stocks divided by the net imports. Because Australia has been importing more fuel, it brings down the calculation of IEA days—the 90 days—which is why we’re tracking for 2023.

Senator ROBERTS: Could you explain that again?

Ms Svarcas: IEA days, the 90-day international obligation, are the total eligible stocks divided by daily net imports in the previous calendar year.

Senator ROBERTS: Daily net imports, not daily usage?

Ms Svarcas: Correct. This is why they’re two different calculations. The IEA days are about imports. Because Australia is producing less fuel and importing more, it means, just by basic mathematics, that the IEA day count will start coming off. But that does not mean in any way that we are fuel insecure, because the government has made a number of interventions—measures to ensure our fuel security—including through, as I described, the minimum stockholding obligation that means that our importers and producers must hold a certain amount of stock in Australia. So in fact we are more fuel secure now, despite the IEA days not being the 90 days.

Senator ROBERTS: So we’ve basically got three weeks or four weeks of processed fuels: diesel, petrol and jet fuel? Either on our ground or on ships near our coast?

Ms Svarcas: In our waters.

Senator ROBERTS: That’s all?

Mr Duggan: It’s 38 days of petrol, 24 days of jet fuel and 31 days of diesel.

Mr Fredericks: Senator, can we take something on notice which might help you? I’m pretty confident those numbers are reasonably higher than they have been in the past. I don’t have it here; it’s just a recollection I have. So to give you the full picture—

Senator ROBERTS: You’re saying these numbers are higher than what we’ve had in the past?

Mr Fredericks: Yes. But I’d like to test that, and I’d like to come back to you on notice with that.

Senator ROBERTS: Okay. Minister, has the government done any work to determine what a reasonable and safe level of jet fuel stocks, diesel stocks and petrol stocks is? The country runs on hydrocarbon fuel. Like it or not, that’s a fact—transport, food, agriculture production.

Senator McAllister: You’re right that it’s extremely important. It has been an area of work for the government, and the secretary can talk you through the details.

Mr Fredericks: Yes, I was going to say, Senator, just to be clear, that back in, I think, the middle of last year, 2023, the government set what it regarded as the appropriate minimum stockholding obligations.

Senator ROBERTS: The current government in 2022?

Mr Fredericks: Correct, and my team can correct me if I’m getting this wrong. To answer the question you have posed, it made a judgement about what the appropriate minimum stockholding obligations for those three fuels were. To give you an example, the minimum stockholding obligation for petrol is 24 days. I understand it increases at some stage to 27, but at the moment the country holds 38. So petrol is one where the judgement—and the answer to your question, ‘What’s the minimum required?’—is 24, and current holdings are 38. So that’s a pretty good picture—

Senator ROBERTS: All the figures I’ve just been given are above the requirements?

Mr Fredericks: Correct.

Senator ROBERTS: But there’s still only a maximum of around three weeks, four weeks and five weeks, respectively?

CHAIR: Senator Roberts, we’re going to rotate the call. I believe they’ve taken on notice—

Senator ROBERTS: Could I put something on notice?

CHAIR: I was going to say we can come back to you.

Senator ROBERTS: Can I get the derivation of those figures on notice, please?

Mr Fredericks: Yes. We’ll take that on notice.

Senator ROBERTS: The number of days?

Mr Fredericks: Yes.

Senator ROBERTS: Thank you.

There is an internationally agreed standard that countries should have a 90 day stockpile of fuel required to keep the place running in the event of a cut in the supply. The Australian Government has failed to meet this stockpile, dipping as low as 21 days at points. While almost all of our fuel comes from overseas through oceans that are becoming increasingly volatile, this puts Australia in a sickeningly vulnerable position.

Transcript

As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia, I note that while the government’s bill has some merit it raises far more questions than it answers. Before proceeding, I want to compliment Senator Hanson on her comments. At last, someone’s standing up for Australia. We understand that the government has a dilemma, because the government and the Labor Party have deferred—put off—a decision on fuel security for years. In that deferral, putting it off, they have put our nation into an almost impossible position. And still, through this bill, the government shows that it has not faced up to the issue of fuel security. Let me remind everyone: energy is crucial to human progress.

One hundred and seventy years ago was the start of the industrial revolution. Look how far we’ve come. Look at everything in this room. Look at everything around you—in a city, in a town, while you’re driving in a car. That has come in the last 170 years. Why? Sure, it has been human creativity but, above all, it has been the relentless ever-decreasing real price of energy. Electricity was unheard of 170 years ago. Coal-fired power stations and petroleum powered cars were unheard of, undreamt of, 170 years ago. A king 200 years ago would not have lived as easily, as safely, as comfortably, as well, as long as people on welfare today. That shows remarkable human progress.

Senator Hanson and I raised energy security in 2016. The government avoided the decision. Now the Liberal-National coalition want to push it out to 2027. They want to avoid it again. It has deferred the decision again, and Labor will support them. So much for job security and investment across all industries. The key to driving an economy is low energy prices and energy security. That’s what brings investment for future jobs. Now, in response, what we see is a lack of thought and a lazy, lazy approach.

Why? Why do so many so-called solutions of the Liberal, Labor and National parties end up being, simply, a gift of taxpayer money to multinationals who are not taxed? Why does the government have a fetish for labelling bills with the word ‘security’? I’ll tell you why. It attracts votes, even if the bill does not provide security. Australians love security. All humans love security. We’ve had cybersecurity, border security, energy security, internet safety security and data security, often hiding a lack of security. When it comes to votes, Labor and Liberal know the word ‘security’ buys votes. Yet the word itself—security—is not real security. All three tired old parties repeatedly fail to provide real, meaningful, lasting security. They refuse to get back to basics and the truth.

We know that job security is important. We want it beyond 2027, though, for the jobs of refinery workers, construction workers and, when we get back to cheap, reliable fuel, all workers across all industries, including agriculture, not just manufacturing and services. Two refineries have recently shut. That was half of our refineries. We have to do something, then, to ensure future fuel security. The government’s attempts simply reduce the risk for refineries. We understand why. But taxpayers pay for that, and at the end of the deal in 2027 we have nothing to show for it—nothing, zip. So where’s the government’s energy plan? A plan is not a plan without addressing the five Ws and one H. That’s a simple management tool, management concept: Why? What? When? Where? Who? Then comes: How?

This government, like so many Liberal-National and Labor governments, goes straight to the ‘How?’ missing the specifics, the actions, the time lines, the responsibilities, the justification of cost-benefit analysis and a business plan. Government plans that jump straight to the ‘How?’ are not plans, unless the five Ws are addressed. Look at climate. Look at energy. The same applies everywhere. Look at the NDIS. Look at education. They are fundamentals that are really important for our country.

Why does the government repeatedly avoid facts and data and a disciplined, objective approach to policy and, instead, adopt media lines and pander to Greens ideology and drive policies in accordance with then Senator Mathias Cormann’s often repeated dictum, ‘We will fulfil our global obligations’?

What he means is and what he meant was: our obligations to globalists. We are the world’s largest exporter of energy, largest exporter of liquefied natural gas, second largest exporter of coal. We were the largest and we still have the highest quality coal but we have been overtaken by Indonesia as the largest exporter. Yet we have the world’s highest domestic gas prices and electricity prices, now three times that of countries who use our coal to generate their electricity. Three times our prices using our coal—why? Why can’t we use our own gas domestically? Why can’t we build a transnational pipeline to bring North West Shelf gas to the east and convert it to produce liquid fuels like petrol and diesel? The gas is suitable. Why can’t we use the gas itself to power cars directly? Why can’t we brainstorm and discuss alternatives, many alternatives, in the national interest?

Consider what the government says is a solution. The government will pay up to $2 billion to multinationals to keep them here. Remember the car makers, as Senator Hanson reminded us? We paid them billions to stay here and then they left and, as a final insult, sold their factories and their land to developers and pocketed the cash, after we gifted them so much taxpayer cash. Is this a solution, when in 2027 the oil companies can simply leave, run away, after we give them up to $2 billion along the way? Liberal-Labor put off making a decision and now, when our country has self-inflected deeper problems, make a half-baked solution that really defers it again until 2027, when we will have to face up to it again. Why? Because we haven’t faced up to it now. Why? Because the government lacks the will to listen and to do something novel and appropriate for the people of Australia and their national interest. Just as Senator Hanson recounted, Norway is doing something in its national interest.

In 2027 then what? China and our Asian competitors will, rightly, continue using hydrocarbon fuels like natural gas, coal and oil. For decades, we have had a small volume market. How can we compete with Singapore and China in refining fuels and do so with fair wages for good workers in this country? Here is a hint: energy. Singapore lacks any resources apart from human resources—a well-educated, industrious people—but it has solid stable governance that puts Singapore first. It has a superior tax system, a superior education system, superior governance focused on Singapore’s national interest.

China, it takes a different strategy, one that won’t last but here is what it does: it exploits labour, sacrifices the environment, sacrifices worker safety. We can compete because we have Australian management and leadership; we just need to let it have a go—our energy combined with our people, Australians, Australian workers and our executive leadership in business.

Other facts need consideration. The government repeatedly bet on technology that’s unproven and very expensive. They’re dreaming about hydrogen that currently costs about $6 a kilogram to produce and say they have a vision for $2 a kilogram. Even at $2 a kilogram, the electricity cost is $200 per megawatt hour, four times the price that coal can do it now. So in their dream, they’re going to send us bankrupt. Solar is another one of their dreams—dependence on China, who makes the damn things, cost, reliability, unreliability, instability, the loss of jobs. This is what the government is dreaming about. Wind—same applies—dependence on China, cost, reliability, stability, instability and loss of jobs. China, meanwhile, continues building coal-fired power stations. In its Paris Agreement, it has to do nothing until 2030 and then maybe it will think about it.

We have abundant clean goal and gas; we should be the super power, as we were when international investors flocked to the Hunter Valley, Central Queensland and Victoria to build aluminium refineries near cheap abundant coal. Those jobs are gone and, under current Liberal-Labor-Nationals policies, the few that remain in aluminium are doomed. Instead, the trio put bets on unproven, pixie farts for energy and stake Australia’s energy on rainbow-coloured unicorns in some imaginary Garden of Eden in the future. It abandons workers and the people of Australia. It abandons our country. It is hollow rhetoric keeping people ignorant, hollow rhetoric destroying our economy, hollow rhetoric destroying our national future.

So, let’s consider some possible options. What about this? Create a corporation to run the refineries. Issue government bonds, with bonds investing in the corporation in the same way we do with low-income housing. Buy the damned assets. Use the bond funds to buy oil and build additional fuel storage. Modernise the refineries to produce high-quality fuel to international standards. Fill up the oil tanks at startup to eliminate risks in the market. Once it’s up and running, sell 49 per cent of the ownership in the refinery on the stock market and invest the other 51 per cent with the Future Fund. That’s its job: holding assets on behalf of the Australian people to produce future income for future generations and ensure future fuel security. Government absorbs the initial risk—in the proven refineries, anyway—with proven personal enterprise, with oil industry executives managing the business and with proven executives and proven workers running the show, combined with accountability from the stock market.

The benefits are that Australians own the business, taxes stay here and the overall cost to taxpayers is considerably less, because we’d sell off half the enterprise. And the purchase price for an abandoned asset would be very low. People would buy shares because the risk is in setting up the venture and the asset would be stable. Fuel storage would work exactly as it does now on our overseas storage: buy when prices are low and sell when prices are high, to drive down prices at times of high prices, as with our existing International Energy Agency commitments. Major fuel producers would buy shares to get access to trading in stored oil. We could make extra money storing oil for other nations—Pacific countries, Indonesia.

Alternatively: fuel security is ultimately a matter of defence security. Has anyone in the government considered taking the refineries and getting the defence forces to operate the refineries in 2027? Or the government could, as a minimum, simply take the refineries’ land if refiners close down and leave. If they shut up shop after we gift them billions, why not take their real estate? We need some skin in the game, as Senator Hanson said. We need something for our money. Get the land as partial payment.

Another issue: tax oil companies fairly. Stop giving foreign multinationals a free ride. They exploit our resources, use our assets, use our services, use our trained people, and rely on our defence forces and our laws—for free, damn it! They don’t pay for any of it. Fix the tax system. Start with taxing multinationals. Jim Killaly, the former deputy assistant commissioner for taxation, in charge of large companies and foreign taxation, said, in 1996 and in 2010, that 90 per cent of Australia’s large companies are foreign owned and since 1953 have paid little or no company tax. The government needs to establish honest energy policies across all our energy needs and invest in infrastructure to restore our nation’s productive capacity. It needs to restore national sovereignty, to restore good governance based on data and facts and on putting the national interest first.

All these would be enormous changes from current government approaches—decades of such approaches. They would be a return to our nation’s roots and the time when Australia led the world in per capita income. Instead, the government’s approach is a short-term bandaid at best. And 2027 is not the end. We need to think and prepare for beyond that. Liberal, Nationals and Labor governments, for the past three decades, have thought that ‘long-term’ means just two budget cycles: two years—that’s it. Australians deserve better—far, far better.

This bill is not even a bandaid. It’s a deferral, a putting off. It’s Labor, Liberals and the Nationals playing hide-and-seek, hiding the reality from the public. It confirms this government’s incompetence and laziness and continues decades of poor, dishonest and accountable governance. Now, I’m all for personal enterprise—or, as some may say, private enterprise. I’m all for security. Instead of repeated gutless bandaids and short-term fixes, where’s the long-term solution? Where’s the vision? Where’s the national interest? Let’s secure our nation’s future with a comprehensive solution that addresses the basics for all Australians: job security, industry security and national security.